Uomo arrestato nella stazione metro di Porta Romana: deve scontare sei mesi di carcere   
In manette è finito un bosniaco 37enne, condannato per minacce a pubblico ufficiale
          Jadwal Pertandingan Sepak Bola Piala Dunia 2014   
Jadwal Pertandingan Sepak Bola Piala Dunia 2014


Jadwal Bola Piala Dunia 2014 Fase Grup


TanggalJam (WIB)Grup Pertandingan (Kota) Skor 
13 Juni 201403:00ABrasil vs Kroasia (Sao Paulo)
13 Juni 201423:00AMeksiko vs Kamerun (Natal)
14 Juni 201402:00BSpanyol vs Belanda (Salvador)
14 Juni 201405:00BChile vs Australia (Cuiaba)
14 Juni 201423:00CKolumbia vs Yunani (Belo Horizonte)
15 Juni 201402:00DUruguay vs Kosta Rika (Fortaleza)
15 Juni 201405:00DInggris vs Italia (Manaus)
15 Juni 201408:00CPantai Gading vs Jepang (Recife)
15 Juni 201423:00ESwiss vs Ekuador (Brasilia)
16 Juni 201402:00EPerancis vs Honduras (Porto Alegre)
16 Juni 201405:00FArgentina vs Bosnia-Herzegovina (Rio De Janeiro)
16 Juni 201423:00GJerman vs Portugal (Salvador)
17 Juni 201402:00FIran vs Nigeria (Curitiba)
17 Juni 201405:00GGhana vs Amerika Serikat (Natal)
17 Juni 201423:00HBelgia vs Aljazair (Belo Horizonte)
18 Juni 201402:00ABrasil vs Meksiko (Fortaleza)
18 Juni 201405:00HRusia vs Republik Korea (Cuiaba)
18 Juni 201423:00BAustralia vs Belanda (Porto Alegre)
19 Juni 201402:00BSpanyol vs Chile (Rio De Janeiro)
19 Juni 201405:00AKamerun vs Kroasia (Manaus)
19 Juni 201423:00CKolumbia vs Pantai Gading (Brasilia)
20 Juni 201402:00DUruguay vs Inggris (Sao Paulo)
20 Juni 201405:00CJepang vs Yunani (Natal)
20 Juni 201423:00DItalia vs Kosta Rika (Recife)
21 Juni 201402:00ESwiss vs Perancis (Salvador)
21 Juni 201405:00EHonduras vs Ekuador (Curitiba)
21 Juni 201423:00FArgentina vs Iran (Belo Horizonte)
22 Juni 201402:00GJerman vs Ghana (Fortaleza)
22 Juni 201405:00FNigeria vs Bosnia-Herzegovina (Cuiaba)
22 Juni 201423:00HBelgia vs Rusia (Rio De Janeiro)
23 Juni 201402:00HRepublik Korea vs Aljazair (Porto Alegre)
23 Juni 201405:00GAmerika Serikat vs Portugal (Manaus)
23 Juni 201423:00BAustralia vs Spanyol (Curitiba)
23 Juni 201423:00BBelanda vs Chile (Sao Paulo)
24 Juni 201403:00AKamerun vs Brasil (Brasilia)
24 Juni 201403:00AKroasia vs Meksiko (Recife)
24 Juni 201423:00DItalia vs Uruguay (Natal)
24 Juni 201423:00DKosta Rika vs Inggris (Belo Horizonte)
25 Juni 201403:00CJepang vs Kolumbia (Cuiaba)
25 Juni 201403:00CYunani vs Pantai Gading (Fortaleza)
25 Juni 2014
Seselj ruled Serbia with former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic during the Balkan wars. His extremist party holds 80 seats in Serbia's 250-seat assembly and will be the chief challenger to several pro-democratic groups.

Seselj's party, which he heads from jail in the Netherlands, said he started a hunger strike last week demanding the tribunal grant him free choice of legal advisers, unrestricted spousal visits and an unconditional right to conduct his own defense.

He has lost 11 kilograms (24 pounds) since starting the hunger strike, the Radical Party said in a statement Monday, adding that Seselj "was aware of the (health) risks ... but will not give up" his demands and will continue refusing to be examined by physicians at the detention facility.

Seselj has pleaded innocent to nine charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity for allegedly being part of a criminal plot to murder, torture and illegally imprison non-Serbs in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo in the wars during the breakup of Yugoslavia.

His trial is scheduled to start Nov. 27. He voluntarily turned himself in to The Hague tribunal in 2003.
          EU urges Serbia to cooperate with U.N. effort to resolve status for Kosovo   
The European Union urged Serbia on Wednesday to "take a constructive approach" in negotiating the future of its breakaway Kosovo province and said it must cooperate with the U.N.'s war crimes tribunal if it wants closer ties with the EU.Serbia and its Balkan neighbors must also do more to tackle corruption and step up political and reforms needed to prepare them for eventual EU membership, according to the EU's annual progress reports on the prospects of would-be EU members."I trust that Serbian citizens as well as political leaders now focus less on the nationalist past and more on the European future, that's best for Serbia, that's best for the western Balkans," EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn told reporters after the release of the EU reports."On Kosovo, we expect Serbia to take a constructive approach," he added.The EU's report on Serbia reiterated that steps toward eventual membership were suspended until Serbia proves it is fully cooperating with the U.N. war crimes tribunal and hands over top war crimes suspect Gen. Ratko Mladic.The report said the EU was also concerned over Serbia's new constitution, warning it did not fully guarantee judges' independence. It also called on Belgrade to intensify its fight against corruption and ensure full civilian control over its armed forces.On Kosovo, the EU report acknowledged that the focus on the sensitive status negotiations led by the U.N. "has delayed significant reform efforts."It said the province's administration "remains weak, affecting the rule of law," adding that judicial bodies there have made "little progress" in civil and criminal justice.Separate reports were also released on Croatia, Bosnia, Montenegro, Macedonia and Albania.On Croatia already opened entry talks with the EU last year and hopes to join in 2009. However, the report said there was "considerable scope" for improving the nation's judicial system and its fight against corruption. It also called on Zagreb to ensure better protection of minorities and to solve its border dispute with EU member Slovenia.Croatia's President Stipe Mesic said the critical report on his country showed it had to follow through on reforms. "It is easy to pass the laws, but it is much harder to implement them," he said in Zagreb. "It all depends on us."The EU warned Macedonia over its problems with corruption. It said reforms must go faster, if wants to get a starting date for membership talks.
          By: Karli   
My husband and I tried ajvar for the first time last weekend at a Bosnian restaurant, Drina Daisy, in Astoria, Wa. We were looking up recipes the minute we were back in the hotel! Your post not only provides an awesome, authentic recipe to try, but a sense of culture and history to go with it. Beautifully done!
          Comment on Eagles Trade Andrews and White, Shrink Roster to 52 by This is why this video will make you like Indie Euro Rock again!   
<strong>Trackback</strong> [...]Bosnian rock band AXA (from Sarajevo) was on top charts in the late �90�s and early 00�s. After moving to the US, AXA was renamed to INGRAY. The band released several records and got a lot of national attention after winning Hard Rock�s �Ambassado…
          Comment on ITI Weekly: Jackson’s Split Stats, Vick’s Injury Status, Falcons Game by This is why this video will make you like Indie Euro Rock again!   
<strong>...Great free music</strong> [...]Bosnian rock band AXA (from Sarajevo) was on top charts in the late �90�s and early 00�s. After moving to the US, AXA was renamed to INGRAY. The band released several records and got a lot of national attention after winning Hard Rock�s �Ambassado…
          Comment on Could Kolb Be Auditioning For A Starting Job Sunday? by This is why this video will make you like Indie Euro Rock again!   
<strong>...MUSIC VIDEOS</strong> [...]Bosnian rock band AXA (later INGRAY) released several records and got a lot of national attention after winning Hard Rock�s �Ambassadors of Rock� contest for Detroit, Michigan. They opened for popular bands, and played clubs, theaters and festival…
          Taekondo Teen Champion wins world record!   

This sixteen-year-old Bosnian named Kerim Ahmetspahic is a martial arts athlete, more specifically a Taekwondo teen champion.

On this occasion, Kerim, was put to the test during a live exhibition that was performed in front of a group of Guinness World Record judges! This young man astonished everyone by succeeding in winning the world record for breaking blocks of concrete with his head! 

In fact, in only 35 seconds he broke 120 of them (20 blocks of 6), by using his head while doing somersaults. Absolutely.....Incredible! 


          “Il libro delle mie vite” di Aleksandar Hemon   

Aleksandar Hemon, Il libro delle mie viteSi definisce «un groviglio di domande insolubili, un coagulo di vari altri», di certo è uno dei più significativi scrittori in circolazione. È Aleksandar Hemon, autore dell’agile e densissimo Il libro delle mie vite (Einaudi, 2013, traduzione di Maurizia Balmelli), nato a Sarajevo nel 1964 e cittadino di Chicago dallo scoppio della guerra in Bosnia nel 1992, già autore, tra gli altri, del bellissimo Il progetto Lazarus. In questo memoir autobiografico racconta la sua vita tra la Sarajevo multietnica dell’infanzia e la nuova patria statunitense, attraverso le avvisaglie di guerra ‒ quell’«era breve dell’euforia da catastrofe» ‒ e poi lo scontro violentissimo dei primi anni Novanta, la guerra civile che fece deflagrare i Balcani.

leggi tutto


          Huni Dasar Klasemen, Persiba Tetap Incar Kemenangan di Markas Bali United   

Pelatih Persiba Balikpapan, Milomir Seslija mengungkapkan tak gentar menghadapi tuan rumah Bali United dalam lanjutan Gojek Traveloka Liga 1 2017 pada Rabu (05/07/17) di Stadion Kapten I Wayan Dipta, Gianyar. Arsitek asal Bosnia itu tetap menargetkan tiga poin.

Beruang Madu saat ini duduk di dasar klasemen Liga 1 dengan koleksi empat poin, sedang Serdadu Tridatu, yang berbeda 12 poin dengan Persiba, masih nyaman di peringkat ke-9 hingga pekan ke-11. Memasuki pekan ke-12, kedua tim jelas menginginkan hasil terbaik.

Lihat lebih lengkap...

          Centrale, in 6 per rubare il portafogli di una donna in metrò: arrestati   
La banda è entrata in azione in pieno giorno, alle 16.30, lungo la banchina della fermata del metrò. In manette un uomo di 45 anni, italiano, il «palo» della banda, e cinque donne, tutte bosniache, residenti nel campo nomadi di Baranzate
          Teo, 27, Bosnia and Herzegovina    
Looking for: Female From 0 to 0 years old
For: Friendship, Marriage ...

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          John Guandolo, Understanding The Threat: #CivilizationJihad by OUR hands. The enemy gets our Ldrs to do their bidding 4 them. UTT's John Guandolo explains...    



https://www.understandingthethreat.com/about/

The Mission

Understanding the Threat provides threat-focused strategic and operational consultation, training, and education for federal, state, and local leadership and agencies in government, the private sector, and for private citizens. UTT is the only organization in America which is training leaders, elected officials, law enforcement, military personnel, and citizens, about the Global Islamic Movement and the jihadi networks in communities around the nation.  UTT is also the only organization showing security professionals and state leaders how to locate and map out jihadi organizations, locate jihadis, and dismantle the network at the local and state level. While UTT briefs and teaches about many of the threats external and internal to the United States, its primary concern is the threats to the Republic and the West in general from the Global Islamic Movement.

About John Guandolo

JG_Promo
John Guandolo is the Founder of UnderstandingtheThreat.com, an organization dedicated to providing strategic and operational threat-focused consultation, education, and training for federal, state and local leadership and agencies, and designing strategies at all levels of the community to defeat the enemy.
Mr. Guandolo is a 1989 graduate of the U.S. Naval Academy who took a commission as an Officer in the United States Marine Corps. He served with 2d Battalion 2d Marines as an Infantry Platoon Commander in combat Operations Desert Shield/Storm. From 1991-1996, he served in 2d Force Reconnaissance Company as a Platoon Commander, Assistant Operations Officer, and the unit’s Airborne and Diving Officer. During this time, he also deployed to the Adriatic/Bosnia. He served for one year as the Unit Leader for the CINC’s In-Extremis Force, directly reporting to a Combatant Commander in a classified mission profile. Mr. Guandolo was a combat diver, military free-fall parachutist, and a graduate of the U.S. Army Ranger School.
More about Mr. Guandolo here.
Mr. Guandolo’s experience on 911 here.
Gaubatz_Photo
As the son of a career Air Force OSI Special Agent, Chris Gaubatz grew up in England, Korea, California, and Utah, and today calls southwest Virginia home.
Chris worked for several Fortune 500 companies conducting fraud investigations and asset protection, as well as insurance sales.
In 2007, Chris began researching the threat of jihadi organizations in the United States by posing as a Muslim convert and attending Muslim Brotherhood/Hamas conferences gaining access as an intern with the Hamas organization Council on American Islamic Relations (CAIR) in Virginia.
While working at the CAIR MD/VA office, Chris uncovered a fraud scheme being perpetrated by CAIR’s “immigration attorney” who was defrauding Muslims in the community and lying about handling their immigration proceedings. In fact, he was not even a licensed attorney. When that office was shut down by CAIR in an effort to conceal this criminal activity, Chris was invited by Hamas/CAIR leaders to work at their headquarters office in Washington, D.C.
During his time there, Chris obtained over 12,000 pages of documents from Hamas/CAIR and over 300 hours of covert audio/video recordings.
The entire story is featured in the book Muslim Mafia authored by investigative journalist Paul Sperry and Dave Gaubatz (Chris’ Father).

          Euro 2016: Best places to watch the football in Dublin   

dublin pubs euro 2016So, Martin O’Neill’s men have done it. The Republic of Ireland WILL compete in next summer’s European Championship in France after they beat Bosnia-Herzegovina in the play-offs. Jon Walters was the star of the second leg as his two goals proved crucial for the Republic and many Irish fans will now be booking their tickets. However, […]

The post Euro 2016: Best places to watch the football in Dublin appeared first on Oxygen.ie.


          La penetrazione jihadista in Bosnia   
da Sarajevo Nei giorni scorsi l’Europol ha pubblicato un rapporto intitolato TESAT (Terrorism Situation and Trend report) incentrato sulla natura e le caratteristiche delle principali minacce alla sicurezza europea. All’interno...
          İndirmeyen Cok Ama Cok uzulur...Bilgisayarda Uydu ile Tv...Gel de Bak   
Millet Yaklasık olarak 3000 kanalı net olarak izleyebildiiniz bu program crackli bir sekilde indirebilmeniz icin cok urastIm ve onunuze sunuYorUm... Asagıda Gormus olduunuz tum ulkelerin kanalları mevcuttur..(Turkıye dahil =) ) Download Linki: rapidshare.com Satelite_Tv_Elite_Upload_By_Matt-in.rar.html yada rapidshare.com Satellite_TV_For_PC_2006_Elite_Edition.rar ALBANIA ALGERIA ANDORRA ARGENTINA AUSTRALIA AUSTRIA BELARUS BELGIUM BOLIVIA BOSNIA BRAZIL CANADA CHILE CHINA COLOMBIA COSTA ...
          Croatia wasn't aggressor in Bosnia, says retired general   

Croatia only protected its national interests during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and its goal was neither military aggression nor annexation of its territory, retired general Pavao Miljavac said on Thursday.


          -Krig er ikke noe for kvinner!   
Romfolkets pinsevekkelse Over hele Europa slutter romfolket opp om pinsekirken. Men hvorfor akkurat karismatisk kristendom? - Krig er ikke noe for kvinner!, sier den avtroppende Generaladvokaten, som er skeptisk til kvinnelig verneplikt og må stille «på linja» i Verdibørsen foran hun som har kriget i Bosnia og i Afghanistan og i dag er sjef på Krigsskolen. Hva er buddhisme? Verden endres, og i land som blir ledende for utviklingen framover, er buddhismen viktig både for økonomi ,politikk og kultur.
          HIGHLIGHTS: Primi segni di saturazione nelle foreste Europee sink di carbonio.   
Titolo originale: First signs of carbon sink saturation in European forest biomass Autori: Gert-Jan Nabuurs, Marcus Lindner, Pieter J. Verkerk et al. Rivista: Nature Climate Change (2013), Perspective doi: 10.1038/nclimate1853 In questo articolo gli autori sottolineano i primi segni di saturazione delle foreste europee sink carbonio. Lo studio è stato condotto su popolamenti forestali degli stati dell’UE (eccetto Romania, Irlanda e Malta), incluse Norvegia, Svizzera, Albania, Serbia e Bosnia. Il lavoro pone l’accento su tre punti allarmanti: i) la riduzione degli incrementi volumetrici (13 milioni di m3 in meno su 178 milioni di ettari di popolamenti forestali); ii) l’aumento della deforestazione; iii) i disturbi naturali ed antropogenici. Le attuali …
          Business Game Changers Radio with Sarah Westall: Bosnian Pyramids, New Discoveries, Universe Communications, Dr. Osmanagich, Pt. 2   
EpisodePart 2: Dr. Osmanagich, or Dr. Sam, joins the program to share the latest findings and discoveries in Bosnia. The Bosnian Pyramids are the largest known pyramids in the world. Dr. Sam's project is the ONLY transparent and completely open Pyramid project to the worlds scientists and tourists. Scientists are able to learn and share findings as they occur. It's an amazing project that the world should treasure.   See more at www.SarahWestall.com
          Business Game Changers Radio with Sarah Westall: Bosnian Pyramids, New Discoveries, Universe Communications, Dr. Osmanagich,   
EpisodeDr. Osmanagich, or Dr. Sam, joins the program to share the latest findings and discoveries in Bosnia. The Bosnian Pyramids are the largest known pyramids in the world. Dr. Sam's project is the ONLY transparent and completely open Pyramid project to the worlds scientists and tourists. Scientists are able to learn and share findings as they occur. It's an amazing project that the world should treasure.
          Business Game Changers Radio with Sarah Westall: Did Advanced Civilizations Exist Thousands of Years Earlier than Current History Suggests?   
EpisodeHuman History Paradigm Shift? Bosnian Pyramids Proving Advanced Civilizations Existed at Least 34,000 Years Ago The current tale of human history as described in our textbooks and schools is being challenged by a group of archeologists and scientists all over the world. It has long been argued that the great pyramids of Giza, the ancient buildings in Peru, and other amazing structures all over the world hold clues of advanced civilizations existing in our past long before conventional histo ...
          Everyday Miracles with Candace McLean: Do Miracles Really Exist with Randall Sullivan from "Miracle Detectives" on The Oprah Winfrey Network   
GuestDo miracles really exist? Or is there a logical explanation to the seemingly inexplicable? Believer, Randall Sullivan has traveled the globe to uncover answers to mysterious incidents that transcend logic in Miracle Detectives, a new one hour documentary series for OWN: Oprah Winfrey Network.Randall Sullivan is an author and journalist who, while traveling as a war correspondent in Bosnia, saw an inexplicable vision during a violent thunder and lightning storm. He is convinced it was a mirac ...
          Arte sobre las instituciones del arte en el MNAV   
_Témpano. El problema de lo institucional. Cruces entre Europa del Este y el Río de la Plata_ se titula la muestra del Museo de Arte Contemporáneo de Montevideo (Macmo) que se encuentra en el Museo Nacional de Artes Visuales (MNAV) hasta el 30 de julio. La exposición reúne un conjunto de obras que pueden englobarse bajo el género de “crítica institucional”, es decir, arte que se dedica a criticar las instituciones del arte; a disputar la política interna del mundo de la creación, circulación y venta del arte. “Como se sabe, sólo un porcentaje mínimo de la masa de un témpano es visible sobre la superficie del agua: la mayor parte está sumergida”. _Témpano_ se ocupa de las instituciones artísticas buscando, mediante diversas estrategias y métodos, “revelar lo que se oculta, nombrar lo que se silencia, demostrar lo contingente, histórico e interesado de aquello que se da por sentado, inmutable y sin ideología”, dice el desplegable de la exposición. El témpano es, entonces, una metáfora de las instituciones, pero también de las prácticas artísticas, las relaciones y condiciones de producción en ese terreno. Acompañando el carácter autorreflexivo que signa los campos y disciplinas en la posmodernidad, la crítica institucional pone de manifiesto que el mundo del arte está en disputa, y que en esa batalla se juegan no sólo aspectos simbólicos, sino también económicos, políticos, ideológicos, nacionales e internacionales. El tema es una de las obsesiones del Macmo –que se define como un “espacio de ensayos provisorios de modelos, estrategias y formas de pensar en torno al arte contemporáneo”– y de sus impulsoras, Agustina Rodríguez y Eugenia González, conocidas por ser creadoras de la obra _Variables_, que, saboteando el proceso de selección de jurados para el Premio Nacional de Artes Visuales –González se hizo elegir como jurado por artistas/obras inexistentes– sacudió la empantuflada escena del arte uruguayo en 2010. Por ese entonces, ambas ya ponían en tensión los procesos por los que debe pasar un artista para ser incluido en el mundo del arte, así como los abusos e intereses institucionales que la mayoría de las veces quedan debajo del agua. Desde su inauguración en 2014, el Macmo ha explorado diferentes modos de poner en cuestión las lógicas de producción artística y reproducción cultural, como en el caso del laboratorio _[El museo es una escuela](http://ladiaria.com.uy/UO8 "")_ o del intento –poco exitoso, dado el silencio absoluto que se cernió sobre su convocatoria– de emular en Uruguay el proyecto de ArtLeaks, consistente en crear un [banco de denuncias de abusos institucionales en el mundo del arte](http://ladiaria.com.uy/UO9 ""). “El iceberg flota y viaja y se estanca, se derrite y se despedaza, choca contra otros témpanos, con los continentes e islas y con diversos objetos flotantes. Su tamaño cambia, y también su peligrosidad para las embarcaciones, que desarrollan técnicas para no correr la misma suerte del _Titanic_. Así, las prácticas artísticas que abordan las instituciones en sí mismas y su institucionalidad, y por tanto, sus relaciones con la creación artística, con la industria cultural, el mercado, el poder político, la economía, la ideología, las transformaciones sociales y las historias del arte, se desarrollan en determinado tiempo y lugar; son efectivas o inútiles; rasguñan, dañan o hunden las instituciones; son destruidas o evitadas por ellas; pierden eficacia, se paralizan, son sustituidas por otras; siguen determinados patrones, modelos y tipologías. Las instituciones se adaptan a ellas, las fagocitan y las utilizan para actualizarse y transformarse”. Así como hay política sobre la política, filosofía sobre la filosofía, ciencia sobre la ciencia, hay arte sobre el arte. Las obras exhibidas en _Témpano_ tienen en cuenta dos mapas: el temático, ya mencionado, y el geográfico, ya que la propuesta busca replicar en el Río de la Plata la investigación _Inside Out - Not So White Cube_ (Del revés - Cubo no tan blanco) de Alenka Gregori , curadora eslovena, y Suzana Milevska, teórica del arte macedonia. Se encuentran así artistas de Europa Central y del Este –donde vive Francisco Tomsich, uno de los curadores de la muestra e integrante del Macmo– con otros rioplatenses, mostrando que, aunque hay especificidades locales, también hay problemas globales que reúnen las preocupaciones de creadores en diversos países de la ex Yugoslavia –Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croacia, Eslovenia, Macedonia, Serbia– y otros ex integrantes del “bloque socialista” –Bulgaria, Rumania– pero también en Austria, Argentina y Uruguay. Los artistas y grupos que integran la muestra son ArtLeaks, Azra Akšamija, Aldo Baroffio y Soledad Bettoni, Carlos Capelán, Graciela Carnevale, Andreas Fogarasi, Liljana Gjuzelova y Sašo Stanojkovik, Hungry Artists Foundation, Jusuf Hadžifejzovi , Lea Lublin, Dalibor Martinis, Paula Massarutti, Ivan Moudov, Dan Perjovschi, Lia Perjovschi, Tadej Poga ar, Mariana Telleria, Pablo Uribe y Leonello Zambon. Aunque hay algunos contemporáneos, especialmente los rioplatenses, la mayoría de las obras fueron creadas en los años 70, y esto habla no sólo del carácter histórico de esta vertiente estético-política, sino también del singular contexto en el que surgió (en plena Guerra Fría y cuando en ambos bandos se intensificaban los conflictos internos). Quizá la necesidad de criticar al arte se agudiza en los lugares y momentos en los que también se siente la urgencia de criticar y denunciar sus contextos. Y quizá empezar hablando del mundo propio sea una vía para hablar del mundo. La crítica institucional mezcla un arte de ideas y una desesperación del arte por tocar la vida, o por mostrar el modo en que la vida y sus agentes perforan todo el tiempo al arte. No busca la belleza estética o la innovación técnica, sino denunciar situaciones relacionadas con la automatización en que han entrado las formas de producción y exhibición del arte, sus economías especulativas y sus modos capitalistas de moverse, la sumisión y los egos en juego, y las políticas culturales y curatoriales que pasan lejos de la consideración de las obras. En la muestra –curada por el equipo del Macmo con la colaboración de Laura Outeda, May Puchet, Mauricio Rodríguez y Cecilia Sánchez– pueden verse obras en las que los creadores han decidido colgar sus cuadros mirando a la pared, encerrar al público en la sala de exposición, o criticar –habiendo sido elegidos– los criterios de selección de una muestra, o a la institución que las acoge; muestras que esconden dinero entre las obras que luego venden para recuperarlo, y obras cuya observación el propio artista, vestido de guardia, se dedica a obstaculizar; arte que visita las miserias del arte, o que hace visibles a los trabajadores detrás de las exposiciones; obras que parasitan otras obras, cubren de negro un museo, cuentan historias o archivan diálogos como si fueran obras; bibliografías mostradas como obras. ¿Puede el arte criticar al arte desde dentro? Mientras _Témpano_ lo intenta desde el corazón de la institucionalidad artística uruguaya –nada menos que el MNAV– recuerdo la provocación del teórico de la danza Ramsay Burt, quien señala: “Los ataques vanguardistas al arte son ataques a la única institución sobre la cual los artistas tienen alguna influencia”. Puede ser que eso tenga algo de cierto y que estas tentativas sean comidas por el circuito de consumo, poder y mercantilización que domina el arte y sus actuales procesos de inclusión/exclusión. El riesgo existe, y también la apuesta a despertar en los visitantes –y por qué no, en los directores– de museos ciertas inquietudes respecto de la pretensión de neutralidad ideológica o política del arte contemporáneo. Quizá. Al igual que el capitalismo, el mundo del arte devora todo lo que pretende atacarlo. Lo cierto es que después de toda ingesta viene el momento de la digestión, y es entonces que muestras como esta pueden patearle el hígado.
          Nuevas proyecciones en el Festival de Cine de Karlovy Vary   
El Festival Internacional de Cine de Karlovy Vary prosigue este sábado con 52 proyecciones, durante las que los espectadores pueden seguir un filme de coproducción ruso-alemano-finlandesa u otro de Bosnia y Hercegovina, por ejemplo. También se proyectó una versión digitalizada de la famosa película checa…
          ¿Por qué Diosas?   
Salvo excepciones, las mujeres del este de Europa (generalmente de raza eslava, mezcla entre europeo y asiático) son bellísimas, altas, esbeltas, piernas de escándalo, excelentes amantes... perfectas para adorar.
Este blog irá dedicado a ellas, a las mejores mujeres del mundo, las del este de Europa
Son Diosas porque son mujeres muy femeninas y de una belleza extraordinaria además de cultas y grandes amantes, son mujeres dulces, comprometidas, luchadoras, amantes del teatro y la literatura... Hoy en día, tras la caída del regimen soviético, tenemos la suerte de verlas pasear por nuestras calles, tenemos la posibilidad de conocer a alguna y de que se convierta en nuestra esposa/compañera. Tratándola y mimándola como se merecen (están acostumbradas a la frialdad y rudeza del hombre eslavo) seremos los hombres más felices del mundo.
En este blog iré recogiendo las fotografias de las mujeres del este de Europa más famosas y bellas del panorama internacional.

EJEMPLOS DE BELLEZA ESLAVA
(haz click en las imágenes para verlas a tamaño completo)



Países que son parte de la llamada Europa del este


República Checa, Eslovaquia, Eslovenia, Croacia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Albania, Macedonia, Bulgaria, Rumania, Moldavia, Hungria, Ucrania, Bielorusia, Polonia, Lituania, Letonia, Estonia, y la Federación Rusa


          Supreme Court Overturns Lower Court On Grounds For Stripping U.S. Citizenship   
A naturalized U.S. citizen should not have been stripped of her citizenship for the sole reason that she lied to U.S. officials, the Supreme Court ruled Thursday, vacating a lower court's decision. The plaintiff, an ethnic Serb who entered the U.S. as a refugee, had argued that false answers she gave to immigration officials were immaterial to procuring citizenship. "We have never read a statute to strip citizenship from someone who met the legal criteria for acquiring it," Justice Elena Kagan wrote in the court's opinion. "We will not start now." The case centers on Divna Maslenjak, who entered the U.S. in 2000 as a refugee along with her husband and their two children. Maslenjak became a naturalized citizen in 2007 — but around the same time, she was found to have lied to U.S. officials when she said her husband had not participated in Bosnia's civil war. In fact, he served in a brigade that was involved in the notorious Srebrenica massacre of Bosnian Muslims in 1995. During the
          TRUMP, PUTIN, AND THE NEW COLD WAR   

http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2017/03/06/trump-putin-and-the-new-cold-war

MARCH 6, 2017 ISSUE

What lay behind Russia’s interference in the 2016 election—and what lies ahead?

By Evan Osnos, David Remnick, and Joshua Yaffa

 

  

The D.N.C. hacks, many analysts believe, were just a skirmish in a larger war against Western institutions and alliances.ILLUSTRATION BY CHRISTOPH NIEMANN

1. SOFT TARGETS

On April 12, 1982, Yuri Andropov, the chairman of the K.G.B., ordered foreign-intelligence operatives to carry out “active measures”—aktivniye meropriyatiya—against the reëlection campaign of President Ronald Reagan. Unlike classic espionage, which involves the collection of foreign secrets, active measures aim at influencing events—at undermining a rival power with forgeries, front groups, and countless other techniques honed during the Cold War. The Soviet leadership considered Reagan an implacable militarist. According to extensive notes made by Vasili Mitrokhin, a high-ranking K.G.B. officer and archivist who later defected to Great Britain, Soviet intelligence tried to infiltrate the headquarters of the Republican and Democratic National Committees, popularize the slogan “Reagan Means War!,” and discredit the President as a corrupt servant of the military-industrial complex. The effort had no evident effect. Reagan won forty-nine of fifty states.

Active measures were used by both sides throughout the Cold War. In the nineteen-sixties, Soviet intelligence officers spread a rumor that the U.S. government was involved in the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. In the eighties, they spread the rumor that American intelligence had “created” the aids virus, at Fort Detrick, Maryland. They regularly lent support to leftist parties and insurgencies. The C.I.A., for its part, worked to overthrow regimes in Iran, Cuba, Haiti, Brazil, Chile, and Panama. It used cash payments, propaganda, and sometimes violent measures to sway elections away from leftist parties in Italy, Guatemala, Indonesia, South Vietnam, and Nicaragua. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, in the early nineties, the C.I.A. asked Russia to abandon active measures to spread disinformation that could harm the U.S. Russia promised to do so. But when Sergey Tretyakov, the station chief for Russian intelligence in New York, defected, in 2000, he revealed that Moscow’s active measures had never subsided. “Nothing has changed,” he wrote, in 2008. “Russia is doing everything it can today to embarrass the U.S.”

Vladimir Putin, who is quick to accuse the West of hypocrisy, frequently points to this history. He sees a straight line from the West’s support of the anti-Moscow “color revolutions,” in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, and Ukraine, which deposed corrupt, Soviet-era leaders, to its endorsement of the uprisings of the Arab Spring. Five years ago, he blamed Secretary of State Hillary Clinton for the anti-Kremlin protests in Moscow’s Bolotnaya Square. “She set the tone for some of our actors in the country and gave the signal,” Putin said. “They heard this and, with the support of the U.S. State Department, began active work.” (No evidence was provided for the accusation.) He considers nongovernmental agencies and civil-society groups like the National Endowment for Democracy, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the election-monitoring group Golos to be barely disguised instruments of regime change.

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The U.S. officials who administer the system that Putin sees as such an existential danger to his own reject his rhetoric as “whataboutism,” a strategy of false moral equivalences. Benjamin Rhodes, a deputy national-security adviser under President Obama, is among those who reject Putin’s logic, but he said, “Putin is not entirely wrong,” adding that, in the past, “we engaged in regime change around the world. There is just enough rope for him to hang us.”*

The 2016 Presidential campaign in the United States was of keen interest to Putin. He loathed Obama, who had applied economic sanctions against Putin’s cronies after the annexation of Crimea and the invasion of eastern Ukraine. (Russian state television derided Obama as “weak,” “uncivilized,” and a “eunuch.”) Clinton, in Putin’s view, was worse—the embodiment of the liberal interventionist strain of U.S. foreign policy, more hawkish than Obama, and an obstacle to ending sanctions and reëstablishing Russian geopolitical influence. At the same time, Putin deftly flattered Trump, who was uncommonly positive in his statements about Putin’s strength and effectiveness as a leader. As early as 2007, Trump declared that Putin was “doing a great job in rebuilding the image of Russia and also rebuilding Russia period.” In 2013, before visiting Moscow for the Miss Universe pageant, Trump wondered, in a tweet, if he would meet Putin, and, “if so, will he become my new best friend?” During the Presidential campaign, Trump delighted in saying that Putin was a superior leader who had turned the Obama Administration into a “laughingstock.”

For those interested in active measures, the digital age presented opportunities far more alluring than anything available in the era of Andropov. The Democratic and Republican National Committees offered what cybersecurity experts call a large “attack surface.” Tied into politics at the highest level, they were nonetheless unprotected by the defenses afforded to sensitive government institutions. John Podesta, the chairman of Hillary Clinton’s campaign and a former chief of staff of Bill Clinton’s, had every reason to be aware of the fragile nature of modern communications. As a senior counsellor in the Obama White House, he was involved in digital policy. Yet even he had not bothered to use the most elementary sort of defense, two-step verification, for his e-mail account.

“The honest answer is that my team and I were over-reliant on the fact that we were pretty careful about what we click on,” Podesta said. In this instance, he received a phishing e-mail, ostensibly from “the Gmail team,” that urged him to “change your password immediately.” An I.T. person who was asked to verify it mistakenly replied that it was “a legitimate e-mail.”

The American political landscape also offered a particularly soft target for dezinformatsiya, false information intended to discredit the official version of events, or the very notion of reliable truth. Americans were more divided along ideological lines than at any point in two decades, according to the Pew Research Center. American trust in the mainstream media had fallen to a historic low. The fractured media environment seemed to spawn conspiracy theories about everything from Barack Obama’s place of birth (supposedly Kenya) to the origins of climate change (a Chinese hoax). Trump, in building his political identity, promoted such theories.

“Free societies are often split because people have their own views, and that’s what former Soviet and current Russian intelligence tries to take advantage of,” Oleg Kalugin, a former K.G.B. general, who has lived in the United States since 1995, said. “The goal is to deepen the splits.” Such a strategy is especially valuable when a country like Russia, which is considerably weaker than it was at the height of the Soviet era, is waging a geopolitical struggle with a stronger entity.

In early January, two weeks before the Inauguration, James Clapper, the director of national intelligence, released a declassified report concluding that Putin had ordered an influence campaign to harm Clinton’s election prospects, fortify Donald Trump’s, and “undermine public faith in the U.S. democratic process.” The declassified report provides more assertion than evidence. Intelligence officers say that this was necessary to protect their information-gathering methods.

Critics of the report have repeatedly noted that intelligence agencies, in the months before the Iraq War, endorsed faulty assessments concerning weapons of mass destruction. But the intelligence community was deeply divided over the actual extent of Iraq’s weapons development; the question of Russia’s responsibility for cyberattacks in the 2016 election has produced no such tumult. Seventeen federal intelligence agencies have agreed that Russia was responsible for the hacking.

In testimony before the Senate, Clapper described an unprecedented Russian effort to interfere in the U.S. electoral process. The operation involved hacking Democrats’ e-mails, publicizing the stolen contents through WikiLeaks, and manipulating social media to spread “fake news” and pro-Trump messages.

At first, Trump derided the scrutiny of the hacking as a “witch hunt,” and said that the attacks could have been from anyone—the Russians, the Chinese, or “somebody sitting on their bed that weighs four hundred pounds.” In the end, he grudgingly accepted the finding, but insisted that Russian interference had had “absolutely no effect on the outcome of the election.” Yevgenia Albats, the author of “The State Within a State,” a book about the K.G.B., said that Putin probably didn’t believe he could alter the results of the election, but, because of his antipathy toward Obama and Clinton, he did what he could to boost Trump’s cause and undermine America’s confidence in its political system. Putin was not interested in keeping the operation covert, Albats said. “He wanted to make it as public as possible. He wanted his presence to be known,” and to “show that, no matter what, we can enter your house and do what we want.”

ILLUSTRATIONS BY CRISTIANA COUCEIRO

2. COLD WAR 2.0

Remarkably, the Obama Administration learned of the hacking operation only in early summer—nine months after the F.B.I. first contacted the D.N.C. about the intrusion—and then was reluctant to act too strongly, for fear of being seen as partisan. Leaders of the Pentagon, the State Department, and the intelligence agencies met during the summer, but their focus was on how to safeguard state election commissions and electoral systems against a hack on Election Day.

That caution has embittered Clinton’s inner circle. “We understand the bind they were in,” one of Clinton’s senior advisers said. “But what if Barack Obama had gone to the Oval Office, or the East Room of the White House, and said, ‘I’m speaking to you tonight to inform you that the United States is under attack. The Russian government at the highest levels is trying to influence our most precious asset, our democracy, and I’m not going to let it happen.’ A large majority of Americans would have sat up and taken notice. My attitude is that we don’t have the right to lay blame for the results of this election at anybody’s feet, but, to me, it is bewildering—it is baffling—it is hard to make sense of why this was not a five-alarm fire in the White House.”

The Obama circle, which criticizes Clinton’s team for failing to lock down seemingly solid states like Wisconsin, Michigan, and Pennsylvania, insists that the White House acted appropriately. “What could we have done?” Benjamin Rhodes said. “We said they were doing it, so everybody had the basis to know that all the WikiLeaks material and the fake news were tied to Russia. There was no action we could have taken to stop the e-mails or the fake news from being propagated. . . . All we could do was expose it.”

Last September, at a G-20 summit, in China, Obama confronted Putin about the hacking, telling him to “cut it out,” and, above all, to keep away from the balloting in November, or there would be “serious consequences.” Putin neither denied nor confirmed the hacking efforts, but replied that the United States has long funded media outlets and civil-society groups that meddle in Russian affairs.

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In October, as evidence of Russian meddling mounted, senior national-security officials met to consider a plan of response; proposals included releasing damaging information about Russian officials, including their bank accounts, or a cyber operation directed at Moscow. Secretary of State John Kerry was concerned that such plans might undercut diplomatic efforts to get Russia to coöperate with the West in Syria—efforts that eventually failed. In the end, security officials unanimously agreed to take a measured approach: the Administration issued a statement, on October 7th, declaring it was confident that the Russians had hacked the D.N.C. The Administration did not want to overreact in a way that could seem political and amplify Trump’s message that the vote was rigged.

The White House watched for signs that Russian intelligence was crossing what a senior national-security official called “the line between covert influence and adversely affecting the vote count”—and found no evidence that it had done so. At the time, Clinton was leading in the race, which, the official said, reinforced Obama’s decision not to respond more aggressively. “If we have a very forceful response, it actually helps delegitimize the election.”

That sense of caution continued during the transition, when Obama was intent on an orderly transfer of power. Secretary of State Kerry proposed the creation of an independent bipartisan group to investigate Russian interference in the election. It would have been modelled on the 9/11 Commission, a body consisting of five Republicans and five Democrats who interviewed more than twelve hundred people. According to two senior officials, Obama reviewed Kerry’s proposal but ultimately rejected it, in part because he was convinced that Republicans in Congress would regard it as a partisan exercise. One aide who favored the idea says, “It would have gotten the ball rolling, making it difficult for Trump to shut it down. Now it’s a lot harder to make it happen.”

During the transition, officials in the Obama Administration were hearing that Trump was somehow compromised or beholden to Russian interests. “The Russians make investments in people not knowing the exact outcome,” one senior Administration official said. “They obtain leverage on those people, too.” No conclusive evidence has yet emerged for such suspicions about Trump. Another Administration official said that, during the transfer of power, classified intelligence had shown multiple contacts between Trump associates and Russian representatives, but nothing that rose to the level of aiding or coördinating the interference with the election. “We had no clear information—that I was aware of—of collusion,” the official said. That question, however, persists, and will likely be a central focus for congressional investigators.

By Inauguration Day, January 20th, the evidence of a wide-scale Russian operation had prompted the formation of a joint task force, including the C.I.A., the F.B.I., the N.S.A., and the financial-crimes unit of the Treasury Department. Three Senate committees, including the Intelligence Committee, have launched inquiries; some Democrats worry that the Trump Administration will try to stifle these investigations. Although senators on the Intelligence Committee cannot reveal classified information, they have ways of signalling concern. Three weeks after the election, Ron Wyden, an Oregon Democrat, and six other members of the committee sent a public letter to Obama, declaring, “We believe there is additional information concerning the Russian Government and the U.S. election that should be declassified and released to the public.” At a hearing in January, Wyden pushed further. While questioning James Comey, the director of the F.B.I., Wyden cited media reports that some Trump associates had links to Russians who are close to Putin. Wyden asked if Comey would declassify information on that subject and “release it to the American people.” Comey said, “I can’t talk about it.” Wyden’s questioning had served its purpose.

Later, in an interview, Wyden said, “My increasing concern is that classification now is being used much more for political security than for national security. We wanted to get that out before a new Administration took place. I can’t remember seven senators joining a declassification request.” Asked if he suspects that there has been improper contact between the Trump campaign and Russian interests, Wyden said, “I can’t get into that”—without revealing classified information. “But what I can tell you is, I continue to believe, as I have for many months, that there is more that could be declassified.” He added, “When a foreign power interferes with American institutions, you don’t just say, ‘Oh, that’s business as usual,’ and leave it at that. There’s a historical imperative here, too.” After viewing the classified materials, Mark Warner, of Virginia, the ranking Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee, said of the Russia investigation, “This may very well be the most important thing I do in my public life.”

Two weeks before the Inauguration, intelligence officers briefed both Obama and Trump about a dossier of unverified allegations compiled by Christopher Steele, a former British intelligence officer. The thirty-five-page dossier, which included claims about Trump’s behavior during a 2013 trip to Moscow, had been shopped around to various media outlets by researchers opposed to Trump’s candidacy. The dossier concluded that Russia had personal and financial material on Trump that could be used as blackmail. It said that the Russians had been “cultivating, supporting, and assisting” Trump for years. According to current and former government officials, prurient details in the dossier generated skepticism among some members of the intelligence community, who, as one put it, regarded it as a “nutty” product to present to a President. But, in the weeks that followed, they confirmed some of its less explosive claims, relating to conversations with foreign nationals. “They are continuing to chase down stuff from the dossier, and, at its core, a lot of it is bearing out,” an intelligence official said. Some officials believe that one reason the Russians compiled information on Trump during his 2013 trip was that he was meeting with Russian oligarchs who might be stashing money abroad—a sign of disloyalty, in Putin’s eyes.

Trump denounced the dossier as a fake. Putin’s spokesman called it “pulp fiction.” But, before the dossier became public, Senator John McCain passed it along to the F.B.I.; later, some of his colleagues said that it should be part of an investigation of Trump. Richard Burr, a Republican from North Carolina and the chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, vowed to investigate “everywhere the intelligence tells us to go.”

For many national-security officials, the e-mail hacks were part of a larger, and deeply troubling, picture: Putin’s desire to damage American confidence and to undermine the Western alliances—diplomatic, financial, and military—that have shaped the postwar world.

Not long before leaving the White House, Benjamin Rhodes said that the Obama Administration was convinced that Putin had gone into an “offensive mode beyond what he sees as his sphere of influence,” setting out to encourage the “breakup” of the European Union, destabilize nato, and unnerve the object of his keenest resentment—the United States. Rhodes said, “The new phase we’re in is that the Russians have moved into an offensive posture that threatens the very international order.” Samantha Power offered a similar warning, shortly before leaving her post as United Nations Ambassador. Russia, she said, was “taking steps that are weakening the rules-based order that we have benefitted from for seven decades.”

For nearly two decades, U.S.-Russian relations have ranged between strained and miserable. Although the two countries have come to agreements on various issues, including trade and arms control, the general picture is grim. Many Russian and American policy experts no longer hesitate to use phrases like “the second Cold War.”

The level of tension has alarmed experienced hands on both sides. “What we have is a situation in which the strong leader of a relatively weak state is acting in opposition to weak leaders of relatively strong states,” General Sir Richard Shirreff, the former Deputy Supreme Allied Commander of nato, said. “And that strong leader is Putin. He is calling the shots at the moment.” Shirreff observes that nato’s withdrawal of military forces from Europe has been answered with incidents of Russian aggression, and with a sizable buildup of forces in the vicinity of the Baltic states, including an aircraft-carrier group dispatched to the North Sea, an expanded deployment of nuclear-capable Iskander-M ballistic missiles, and anti-ship missiles. The Kremlin, for its part, views the expansion of nato to Russia’s borders as itself a provocation, and points to such U.S. measures as the placement of a new ground-based missile-defense system in Deveselu, Romania.

Robert Gates, who was Secretary of Defense under both George W. Bush and Barack Obama, describes relations between Obama and Putin as having been “poisonous” and casts at least some of the blame on Obama; referring to Russia as a “regional power,” as Obama did, was “the equivalent of referring to isis as a J.V. team,” in his view. “I think the new Administration has a big challenge in front of it in terms of stopping the downward spiral in the U.S.-Russia relationship while pushing back against Putin’s aggression and general thuggery,” Gates said. “Every time nato makes a move or Russia makes a move near its border, there is a response. Where does that all stop? So there is a need to stop that downward spiral. The dilemma is how do you do that without handing Putin a victory of huge proportions?”

Some in Moscow are alarmed, too. Dmitry Trenin, a well-connected political and military analyst for the Carnegie Moscow Center, said that in early fall, before Trump’s victory, “we were on a course for a ‘kinetic’ collision in Syria.” He said that the Kremlin expected that, if Clinton won, she would take military action in Syria, perhaps establishing no-fly zones, provoking the rebels to shoot down Russian aircraft, “and getting the Russians to feel it was Afghanistan revisited.” He added, “Then my imagination just left me.”

Not in a generation has the enmity run this deep, according to Sergey Rogov, the academic director of the Institute for U.S. and Canadian Studies, in Moscow. “I spent many years in the trenches of the first Cold War, and I don’t want to die in the trenches of the second,” Rogov said. “We are back to 1983, and I don’t enjoy being thirty-four years younger in this way. It’s frightening.”

3. PUTIN’S WORLD

Putin’s resentment of the West, and his corresponding ambition to establish an anti-Western conservatism, is rooted in his experience of decline and fall—not of Communist ideology, which was never a central concern of his generation, but, rather, of Russian power and pride. Putin, who was born in 1952, grew up in Leningrad, where, during the Second World War, Nazi troops imposed a nine-hundred-day siege that starved the city. His father was badly wounded in the war. Putin joined the K.G.B. in 1975, when he was twenty-three, and was eventually sent to East Germany.

Posted in one of the grayest of the Soviet satellites, Putin entirely missed the sense of awakening and opportunity that accompanied perestroika, and experienced only the state’s growing fecklessness. At the very moment the Berlin Wall was breached, in November, 1989, he was in the basement of a Soviet diplomatic compound in Dresden feeding top-secret documents into a furnace. As crowds of Germans threatened to break into the building, officers called Moscow for assistance, but, in Putin’s words, “Moscow was silent.”

Putin returned to Russia, where the sense of post-imperial decline persisted. The West no longer feared Soviet power; Eastern and Central Europe were beyond Moscow’s control; and the fifteen republics of the Soviet Union were all going their own way. An empire shaped by Catherine the Great and Joseph Stalin was dissolving.

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In Moscow, Western reporters could arrange visits to crumbling nuclear-weapons sites, once secret underground bunkers, and half-empty prison camps. The most forbidding commissars of the Soviet Union—leaders of the K.G.B., the Army, and the Communist Party—failed in an attempt to pull off a counter-revolutionary coup d’état, in August, 1991, and were locked away in a notorious prison called the Sailor’s Rest. Other high-ranking loyalists, refusing the judgment of the new order, administered justice for themselves. The head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, knowing that he was about to be arrested, wrote a note (“I lived honestly all my life”), shot his wife, shoved the barrel of a revolver into his mouth, and pulled the trigger.

For Westerners caught up in post-Cold War triumphalism, it was easier to take note of the new liberties than of the new anxieties, which were profound for millions of Russians. The fall of the imperial state meant the loss of two million square miles of territory, a parcel larger than India. Tens of millions of ethnic Russians now found themselves “abroad.” Amid newfound freedoms of expression, travel, religion, and association, there was also a palpable sense of disorientation, humiliation, and drift.

In speeches and interviews, Putin rarely mentions any sense of liberation after the fall of Communism and the Soviet Union; he recalls the nineteen-nineties as a period of unremitting chaos, in which Western partners tried to force their advantages, demanding that Russia swallow everything from the eastward expansion of nato to the invasion of its Slavic allies in the former Yugoslavia. This is a common narrative, but it ignores some stubborn facts. The West welcomed Russia into the G-8 economic alliance. The violence in the Balkans was the worst in Europe since the end of the Second World War and without intervention would likely have dragged on. And Russian security concerns were hardly the only issue at stake with respect to the expansion of nato; Poland, Czechoslovakia, and other countries in the region were now sovereign and wanted protection.

“It just felt to me grotesquely unfair, if that word can be used in geopolitics, that yet again the Central Europeans were going to be screwed,” Strobe Talbott, Bill Clinton’s leading adviser on Russia and the region, said. “To tell them they had to live in a security limbo because the Russians would have hurt feelings and be frightened just didn’t hold water.” Nevertheless, American politicians did worry about how reordering the economic and security arrangements of Europe would affect a fallen power and would-be partner. Clinton and his advisers were aware that reactionary political forces in Russia—the so-called “red-brown coalition” of diehard Communists and resurgent nationalists—viewed the United States as exploitative and triumphalist and hoped to gain control of the state.

In 1996, during a summit meeting in Moscow, Clinton went for an early-morning run with Talbott in the Sparrow Hills, near Moscow State University. Clinton had known Talbott since they were students at Oxford, and confided his anxiety. He did not regret the expansion of nato or the decision, at last, to battle Serbian forces in Bosnia. But he knew that he was making Yeltsin’s political life excruciatingly difficult.

“We keep telling ol’ Boris, ‘O.K., now, here’s what you’ve got to do next—here’s some more shit for your face,’ ” Clinton told Talbott as they ran. “And that makes it real hard for him, given what he’s up against and who he’s dealing with.”

Earlier that year, Yeltsin had summoned Talbott. “I don’t like it when the U.S. flaunts its superiority,” he told him. “Russia’s difficulties are only temporary, and not only because we have nuclear weapons but also because of our economy, our culture, our spiritual strength. All that amounts to a legitimate, undeniable basis for equal treatment. Russia will rise again! I repeat: Russia will rise again.”

When the 1996 election season began, Yeltsin was polling in the single digits. Much of the country held him responsible for economic measures that seemed to help only those close to Kremlin power. For millions, reform—including the “shock therapy” pushed by Western advisers and politicians—meant a collapse in basic services, hyperinflation, corruption, kleptocratic privatization, and an economic downturn as severe as the Great Depression. Most Russians blamed not the corrosion of the old system but, rather, the corruptions of the new. Demokratiya (democracy) was popularly referred to as dermokratiya (shit-ocracy). Yeltsin, benefitting from the support of both the oligarchs and the International Monetary Fund, managed to eke out a victory against his Communist opponent, but he continued to drink heavily, despite a history of heart attacks, and, in his final years in power, was often a sorry, inebriated spectacle.

On New Year’s Eve, 1999, Yeltsin appeared on national television sitting in front of a Christmas tree. Looking blocky and moribund, he said that he was resigning. “I am sorry that many of our dreams failed to come true,” he said. “I am sorry that I did not live up to the hopes of people who believed that we could, with a single effort, a single strong push, jump out of the gray, stagnant, totalitarian past and into a bright, wealthy, civilized future. I used to believe that myself.”

A man who had resisted a coup eight years earlier no longer had the endurance for office or the political imagination to advance the cause. “I have done all I could,” he said. “A new generation is coming.” With that, he appointed as his successor Vladimir Putin, a relatively obscure intelligence agent who had been accelerated through the ranks because he had proved himself disciplined, shrewd, and, above all, loyal to his bosses.

One of Putin’s first decrees was to protect Yeltsin from future prosecution. Then he set out to stabilize the country and put it on a course of traditional Russian autocracy. “As Yeltsin started to withdraw, the old system reconsolidated, and Putin finalized this regression,” Andrei Kozyrev, the foreign minister between 1990 and 1996, said. “The fundamental problem was an inability to complete the economic and political reforms, and so we slipped back into confrontation with the West and nato.”

Putin revealed his distrust for an open system almost immediately. He saw a state that had become barely functional, and he set about restoring its authority the only way he knew how: manually, and from the top. He replaced the freewheeling anarchy of Yeltsin’s rule with something more systematized, casting aside or coöpting the oligarchs of the nineteen-nineties and elevating a cast of corrupt satraps loyal to him—an arrangement that became known as Kremlin, Inc. Every aspect of the country’s political life, including the media, was brought under the “vertical of power” that he constructed. When Yeltsin held office, privately owned television stations, such as NTV, reported on the horrific war in Chechnya and even satirized Yeltsin and other Kremlin leaders on a puppet show called “Kukly.” NTV, which was owned by an oligarch named Vladimir Gusinsky, seemed to test Putin in the beginning, airing discussions about corruption and human-rights abuses; “Kukly” added a puppet depicting the new President. Putin was not amused. Within five months of taking power, he dispatched armed Interior Ministry troops to raid Gusinsky’s headquarters; by 2001, Gusinsky had been forced to give up NTV to more obedient owners and had fled the country. Ever since, television has been under strict federal control.

Putin, in his first few years in office, was relatively solicitous of the West. He was the first foreign leader to call George W. Bush after the destruction of the World Trade Center towers. When he spoke at the Bundestag, later that month, he addressed its members in German, the language that he had spoken as a K.G.B. agent in Dresden. He even entertained the notion of Russian membership in nato.

America’s invasion of Iraq, which Putin opposed, marked a change in his thinking. Bush had made some progress with him on bilateral issues such as nuclear-arms proliferation, but by 2007 Putin had grown deeply disenchanted and came to feel that the West was treating Russia as a “vassal.” Robert Gates recalls a security conference, in Munich, in 2007, at which Putin angrily charged that the United States had “overstepped its national borders in every area” and that the expansion of nato was directed against Russian interests. “People were inclined to pass it off as a one-off,” Gates said. “But it was a harbinger.”

For Putin, it was a story of misplaced hopes and rejection: he became convinced that, no matter how accommodating he might try to be, Western powers—the United States, above all—had an innate disinclination to treat Russia as a full partner and a respected member of the international order. At home, Putin was increasingly drawn to an authoritarian, nationalist conception of the Russian state. He knew that the fall of Communism and Soviet power had left a vacuum—the lack of a “national idea” to replace Marxism-Leninism. When Putin returned to the Presidency for a third term, in 2012, he felt the need to develop a Russian ideology of his own, and called on currents that run deep in Russian political culture: nationalism, xenophobia, and social conservatism. When, four years ago, Putin endorsed anti-gay legislation, for instance, he was playing to entrenched conservative prejudices that predate Soviet Communism—perhaps not for Western-oriented intellectuals and the urban middle class but for many millions of others.

Putin was hardly surprised by the liberal umbrage voiced by the Obama Administration and other Western governments. That confrontation was the point, a means of cementing his authority at home by playing up the notion of an encircled, perpetually menaced Russian state. Although Putin grew up under Soviet atheism, he nonetheless decried secular Americans and Europeans for “rejecting their roots, including the Christian values that constitute the basis of Western civilization.” His conservatism, he insisted, “prevents movement backward and downward, into chaotic darkness and a return to a primitive state.”

He was alarmed by the Obama Administration’s embrace of the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt. And he was infuriated by the U.S.-led assault on Muammar Qaddafi’s regime. In early 2011, as Libyans challenged Qaddafi, Putin was ostensibly offstage, serving as Prime Minister; his protégé Dmitry Medvedev was President, and made a crucial decision not to veto an American-backed U.N. Security Council resolution in favor of military action in Libya. In a rare public split, Putin condemned the decision, comparing the resolution to a “medieval call to the crusades.” In October, 2011, a crowd of Libyans found Qaddafi hiding in a culvert with a gold-plated 9-mm. pistol, dragged him out, and killed him—a gruesome event that was broadcast worldwide. From Putin’s perspective, this was a case study in Western intervention: stir up protests, give them rhetorical support and diplomatic cover, and, if that doesn’t work, send in the fighter jets. The epilogue comes in the form of uncontrollable violence and an inglorious end for the country’s leader. According to Mikhail Zygar, the former editor-in-chief of the independent Internet station TV Rain and the author of “All the Kremlin’s Men,” Putin absorbed the death of Qaddafi as an object lesson: weakness and compromise were impermissible. “When he was a pariah, no one touched him,” Zygar wrote. “But as soon as he opened up he was not only overthrown but killed in the street like a mangy old cur.”

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Putin also regarded the anti-Kremlin, pro-democracy demonstrations in Moscow, which started in 2011, as a rehearsal for an uprising that had to be thwarted. Together with the upheavals abroad, they compounded his grievances against the West. Obama’s national-security adviser at the time, Tom Donilon, observed that Putin’s concerns were then focussed on domestic political stability and perceived foreign threats to it. He was convinced that “there were efforts under way to undermine his regime,” Donilon said. “From the outset of his second run as President, in my judgment, he was bringing Russia to a posture of pretty active hostility toward the United States and the West.” In September, 2013, after Putin declined requests to turn over Edward Snowden, Obama cancelled a planned summit in Moscow. “The communication really broke after that,” Donilon said. He saw Putin steadily remove non-intelligence personnel from his orbit. “In sharp contrast to the Chinese situation, there’s not a Russian national-security ‘system,’ ” he said. “He works with a very small group of individuals, namely, former K.G.B. and F.S.B. people.”

Dissent has now been effectively marginalized. Opposition candidates are frequently kept off the ballot on legal technicalities, and, when they do make it on, they are denied media coverage, let alone the “administrative resources” enjoyed by pro-Kremlin politicians. Some thirty journalists have been murdered in Russia in the past decade and a half; human-rights groups that receive funding from abroad are registered in Moscow as “foreign agents.” And contemporary Russian television is not only compliant but celebratory. “Imagine you have two dozen TV channels and it is all Fox News,” Vladimir Milov, a former deputy energy minister under Putin and now a critic, said.

Yet those channels bear little resemblance to the dreary Soviet broadcasts with their stilted language and shabby production values. Just as Putin no longer fills prison camps with countless “enemies of the people,” as Stalin did, but, rather, makes a chilling example of a famous few, like the businessman Mikhail Khodorkovsky or the group Pussy Riot, his propagandists have taken their cue from foreign forms: magazine shows, shout-fests, game shows, and reality shows. There are many figures in public life who are not permitted to appear on any talk show or news program. Russians can still find independent information on Facebook and various Web sites; critical books and magazines are available in stores and online; Echo of Moscow, a liberal radio station, hangs on. But, even in the Internet era, more than eighty per cent of Russians get their news from television. Manipulation of TV coverage is a crucial factor in Putin’s extraordinarily high popularity ratings, typically in excess of eighty per cent—ratings that Donald Trump both admires and envies.

In October, 2012, on the occasion of Putin’s sixtieth birthday, Dmitry Kiselyov, the host of “News of the Week,” a favorite TV show of Putin’s, delivered a long encomium to the President: “In terms of the scope of his activities, Putin can be compared to only one of his predecessors in the twentieth century—Stalin.” NTV aired a documentary, “Visiting Putin,” that sent a broadcaster to his office and his house on the outskirts of Moscow. Although well-informed critics have said that Putin is worth tens of billions of dollars and has twenty residences at his disposal, the program portrayed him as a near-ascetic, who wakes at eight-thirty, lifts weights, swims long distances, eats a modest breakfast (beet juice, porridge, raw quail eggs), and works deep into the night.

“All these TV genres emphasize the stature of Putin, as being above everybody and everything—not just the ultimate boss but the embodiment of Russian statehood,” Masha Lipman, the editor of the journal Counterpoint, said. The most important political space is not the grounds of the Kremlin. It is the space within the President’s skull.

“A well-known person once said, ‘You can get much farther with a kind word and a Smith & Wesson than you can with just a kind word,’ ” Putin says in “President,” a long documentary that aired on state television in 2015. “Unfortunately, he was right.” Later in the documentary, the host asks Putin if he thinks that the West fears Russia, because a “once failing state” is now “suddenly a powerful political player.” He calls Putin “the leader, if I may say, of the conservative part of both European and American society.”

Putin accepts both premises. “The so-called establishment, the political and economic élites of these countries, they like us only when we are poor and standing there with a beggar’s bowl,” he says. “As soon as we start talking about our interests and they start feeling some element of geopolitical competition, well, they don’t like that.”

In February, 2014, hours after President Victor Yanukovych of Ukraine, weakened by months of protests, fled Kiev, Putin made the decision to invade Crimea. He feared that Ukraine would turn its back on Russia and gravitate toward Europe. It was a way for Putin to signal, loudly and rudely, that he was finished going along with the Western-led order. It was personal as well. Michael Morell, a former deputy director of the C.I.A., said that the fall of Yanukovych led Putin to worry about his own power and well-being. “It happened in the heart of the Slavic world, and he could not allow it to become a precedent for a similar movement in Russia against him,” Morell said. “He had to crush it.”

Putin and members of his circle also saw the Syrian civil war as an opportunity to halt a trend that had started with the invasion of Iraq and continued through the downfall of dictators in Egypt and Libya. A former senior U.S. official who has interacted with Russians said, “There was this period of time when the United States, in Putin’s view, was able to use international institutions to take on regimes that we found offensive, right through Libya, and Putin was determined to put a stake in the ground in Syria, to have Russia be at the table, and be able to resist the international community’s efforts to continue this pattern of conduct.” As Russia’s Defense Minister, Sergey Shoigu, remarked last month, Russia’s intervention in Syria “helped solve the geopolitical task of breaking the chain of ‘color revolutions.’ ” Russian television, of course, covered the siege of Aleppo as an enlightened act of liberation, free of any brutality or abuses.

In the United States, the issue of what to do about Russia was a growing point of contention between the Pentagon and the White House. Ukraine’s government wanted advanced weaponry to help battle Russian-backed rebels. Evelyn Farkas, the Pentagon’s most senior policy officer for Russia, strongly supported the request; Obama and others on his national-security team turned it down. Instead, the U.S. provided “nonlethal” aid, including vehicles, radar, and body armor. In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, in 2014, Farkas argued for greater American force, calling Russia’s actions “an affront to the international order that we and our allies have worked to build since the end of the Cold War.”

The Administration believed, with considerable justification, that escalating the conflict would provoke retaliation from Russia, push Putin into a corner, and—since Putin would never let the rebels suffer a battlefield defeat—prove costly for Ukraine. But Farkas disagreed: “We just ignore everything the Russians do in Ukraine because, well, that’s Ukraine and the stakes are so high for Russia there. They wouldn’t risk it in the U.S.” Finally, she gave up trying to convince Obama. “I was so done,” she said. “I was so tired of fighting.” She resigned in October, 2015, and eventually became a foreign-policy adviser to Hillary Clinton, who had sometimes favored the use of military force when Obama did not. “The crazy thing was, when I joined the Clinton campaign, I was, like, Great, I’m not going to have to fight anymore, because she got it on Russia,” Farkas said. “Then it just got worse.”

General Valery Gerasimov was an exponent of Moscow’s “hybrid war” strategy.

4. HYBRID WAR

Putin rarely uses a computer, but he has moved his country into the digital age. Russia was once a technological laggard: the Soviets did not connect to the global Internet until 1990, and the state security services were so befuddled by the technology that, according to “The Red Web,” by Andrei Soldatov and Irina Borogan, agents demanded that Relcom, Russia’s first commercial Internet Service Provider, print out every communication that crossed its network. (Engineers rebelled, and the order was abandoned.) By 1996, however, a new generation of hackers in Russia had achieved the first state-directed penetration of America’s military network, pilfering tens of thousands of files, including military-hardware designs, maps of military installations, and troop configurations. In 2008, according to “Dark Territory,” a history of cyberwar by Fred Kaplan, Russian hackers accomplished a feat that Pentagon officials considered almost impossible: breaching a classified network that wasn’t even connected to the public Internet. Apparently, Russian spies had supplied cheap thumb drives, stocked with viruses, to retail kiosks near natoheadquarters in Kabul, betting, correctly, that a U.S. serviceman or woman would buy one and insert it into a secure computer. In the past decade, cyber tactics have become an essential component of Russia’s efforts to exert influence over its neighbors.

Late one evening in the spring of 2007, President Toomas Hendrik Ilves of Estonia was at home using his laptop computer. He had trouble getting online. The news sites were down. The banks were down. Government sites were down. The President figured that it must be some kind of technical glitch. “The first reaction is not ‘We’re under attack,’ ” he said recently. But, after a few calls, he realized that someone was attacking one of Estonia’s core assets.

The birthplace of Skype and the home of other tech firms, Estonia is known in technology circles as “eStonia”; it is one of the most wired countries in the world. But Estonia was involved in a conflict with Russia over plans to move a Second World War-era statue of a Soviet soldier out of the center of Tallinn, the capital. Estonians regarded it as a symbol of occupation. The Russian government had warned publicly that moving it would be a grave offense to history and “disastrous for Estonians.”

On April 27th, the statue was moved. Almost immediately, commentators in Russian-language chat rooms posted instructions on how to become a “script kiddie,” an amateur hacker. The attackers did not need to “hack” Estonia’s sites, exactly; they simply swamped them with a “distributed denial of service”—DDoS—assault, which continued for two weeks. Investigators never pinpointed the source of the attack, but Ilves, who left the Presidency in October, 2016, believes that it was an alliance between members of the Russian government and organized crime. “I call it a public-private partnership,” he said wryly. “It was a state actor that paid mafiosos.”

Although the incident barely registered in international headlines, it was a landmark event: a state-backed cyberattack for political purposes. “What Estonia showed was that Russia was going to react in a new but aggressive way to perceived political slights,” Michael Sulmeyer, a senior Pentagon official in charge of cyber policy under Obama, said. “What was the offending act? The Estonians moved a statue.”

Russia was acquiring a reputation, in defense circles, for ambition, technical acumen, and speed. Barely a year after the Estonia attack, during a conflict with Georgia over the territory of South Ossetia, Russian tanks and planes crossed into the disputed territory at the same moment that hackers broke into fifty-four Web sites serving the government, media, and banks. They stole military information and immobilized the nation’s Internet. Georgian officers struggled to send orders to troops, and bewildered citizens had no way to find out what was happening.

The Georgia campaign was “one of the first times you’ve seen conventional ground operations married with cyber activity,” Sulmeyer said. “It showed not just an understanding that these techniques could be useful in combined ops but that the Russians were willing to do them. These guys implemented.”

“Thanks, but I’m fine.”

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And yet Russian military planners and officials in the Kremlin regarded Georgia as a failure in the realm of international propaganda. Although Russia prevailed militarily, its narrative was overshadowed by the Georgian one from the first minutes of the campaign. For Russia, the five-day conflict represented a “total defeat in the information space,” said Pavel Zolotarev, a retired major general in the Russian Army, who is now a professor at the Academy of Military Sciences. “Our television showed how the shelling started, the incursion of Georgian forces, and so on,” Zolotarev, who helped draft Russia’s national-security doctrine in the nineteen-nineties, said. “These pictures were shown in the West two days later—but as if Russia were doing the shelling, attacking Georgia.” Russian generals took this lesson to heart, and began to study how to use the media and other instruments to wage “information war,” later putting what they learned into practice in Ukraine and then Syria.

The United States, meanwhile, had its own notable cyberwar success. In 2008, in tandem with Israeli intelligence, the U.S. launched the first digital attack on another country’s critical infrastructure, deploying a “worm,” known as Stuxnet, that was designed to cause centrifuges in Iran to spin out of control and thereby delay its nuclear development.

Yet diplomatic concerns inhibited some of the United States’ active measures. The Obama Administration had a “reset” policy with Russia, forging agreements and coöperating on select issues, despite an over-all increase in tension. “Cyber was an area where we were trying to work with Russia,” Evelyn Farkas, the Pentagon official, said. “That’s the irony. We were meeting with their big spies, trying to develop some kind of arms control for cyber.”

When Robert Knake arrived as the director of cybersecurity policy at the National Security Council, in 2011, the White House had a formal initiative to combat Chinese hacking, known as the Counter-China strategy. Knake recalled, “The question was: ‘O.K., now, what’s the counter-Russia plan? And the counter-Iran plan?’ ” The difficulty was that, in the aftermath of Stuxnet, the U.S. needed Iran’s coöperation on diplomatic priorities. From 2011 to 2013, Iranian-backed hackers waged a sustained DDoS attack on dozens of American banks and financial-services companies, but the U.S. didn’t respond in kind, partly because the Administration was negotiating with Iran to curb its nuclear program. “If we had unleashed the fury in response to that DDoS attack, I don’t know if we would have gotten an Iran deal,” Knake said. In other cases, the Administration declined to respond forcefully so that it could retain the option of deploying similar means on other countries. “As long as we think we’re getting more value from this set of rules than we’re losing, then this is the set of rules we want to promote,” Knake said.

A new doctrine was taking shape, under which Russia sought to study the nefarious tools of the West, as it understood them, so as to counteract them at home and put them into practice abroad. One indication of what that might look like came in February, 2013, when, in the pages of the Military-Industrial Courier—a journal with a tiny yet influential readership of Russian military strategists—Valery Gerasimov, the Russian chief of general staff, published an article with the anodyne title “The Value of Science in Prediction.” The article identified and urged the adoption of a Western strategy that involved military, technological, media, political, and intelligence tactics that would destabilize an enemy at minimal cost. The strategy, which came to be known as “hybrid war,” was an amalgam that states have used for generations, but the text took on the status of a legend, and is now known in international military circles as the Gerasimov doctrine.

Gerasimov is sixty-one years old, and is always photographed in a stiff, forest-green military uniform and with a perpetually sagging frown. He trained as a tank commander, and then climbed the military hierarchy; he led the Fifty-eighth Army during the Second Chechen War. In the article for Military-Industrial Courier, Gerasimov suggested that, in the future, wars will be fought with a four-to-one ratio of nonmilitary to military measures. The former, he wrote, should include efforts to shape the political and social landscape of the adversary through subversion, espionage, propaganda, and cyberattacks. His essay, written in the shadow of the Arab Spring, cited the anarchy and violence that erupted in Libya and Syria as proof that, when faced with the combination of pressure and interference, a “perfectly thriving state can, in a matter of months, and even days, be transformed into an arena of fierce armed conflict, become a victim of foreign intervention, and sink into a web of chaos, humanitarian catastrophe, and civil war.”

Such events were “typical of warfare in the twenty-first century,” he wrote. “The role of nonmilitary means of achieving political and strategic goals has grown, and, in many cases, they have exceeded the power of force of weapons in their effectiveness.”

Pavel Zolotarev, the retired Russian general, explained that, when Gerasimov’s essay was published, “we had come to the conclusion, having analyzed the actions of Western countries in the post-Soviet space—first of all the United States—that manipulation in the information sphere is a very effective tool.” Previously, one had to use “grandfather-style methods: scatter leaflets, throw around some printed materials, manipulate the radio or television,” Zolotarev said. “But, all of a sudden, new means have appeared.”

Gerasimov’s prescriptions began to look prophetic a year later, when Russia annexed Crimea in a quick operation that caught U.S. officials by surprise and contravened international law. Russian-made propaganda whipped up pro-Moscow sentiment in a population that was already wary of Ukrainian political leaders in Kiev and had deep, historical ties with Russia. Unidentified soldiers (the so-called “little green men”) surrounded Ukrainian bases in Crimea, and within days Russia had pulled off a hastily organized, stage-managed referendum.

Even with the rise of new technologies, the underlying truth about such operations hasn’t changed. They are less a way to conjure up something out of nothing than to stir a pot that is already bubbling. In the U.S., a strategy like the alleged hacking of the Democrats was merely an effort to deepen an existing state of disarray and distrust. “For something to happen, many factors have to come together at once,” said Alexander Sharavin, the head of a military research institute and a member of the Academy of Military Sciences, in Moscow, where Gerasimov often speaks. “If you go to Great Britain, for example, and tell them the Queen is bad, nothing will happen, there will be no revolution, because the necessary conditions are absent—there is no existing background for this operation.” But, Sharavin said, “in America those preconditions existed.”

As tensions with Russia rose over the conflicts in Ukraine and Syria, in early 2014, the U.S. was stung by a tactic common in Moscow politics: the weaponized leak. While the U.S. and the European Union discussed the details of a potential transitional government in Ukraine, an aide to the Russian deputy prime minister tweeted a reference to part of a wiretapped conversation, posted soon afterward to YouTube, between Victoria Nuland, a U.S. Assistant Secretary of State, and her colleague Geoffrey Pyatt, the U.S. Ambassador in Ukraine. Nuland is heard saying “Fuck the E.U.”—a line that the Russians knew would cause difficulties between the Americans and their E.U. counterparts. The State Department called the leak “a new low in Russian tradecraft.” Asked what form of penalty was extracted from Russia, Michael McFaul, the Ambassador to Moscow during the Obama Administration, said, “To the best of my knowledge, there was none. I think that was a mistake.”

Obama’s adviser Benjamin Rhodes said that Russia’s aggressiveness had accelerated since the first demonstrations on Maidan Square, in Kiev. “When the history books are written, it will be said that a couple of weeks on the Maidan is where this went from being a Cold War-style competition to a much bigger deal,” he said. “Putin’s unwillingness to abide by any norms began at that point. It went from provocative to disrespectful of any international boundary.”

In the fall of 2014, a hacking group known as the Dukes entered an unclassified computer system at the U.S. State Department and gained enough control so that, as one official put it, they “owned” the system. In security circles, the Dukes—also referred to as Cozy Bear—were believed to be directed by the Russian government. Very little is known about the size and composition of Russia’s team of state cyberwarriors. In 2013, the Russian Defense Ministry announced that it was forming “scientific” and “information operations” battalions. A defense official later explained their purpose as “disrupting the information networks of the probable enemy.” Oleg Demidov, an expert on information security and cybercrime, and a consultant at the PIR-Center, a research institute in Moscow, said, “At the time, this idea was met with laughter. But this was something real, these units were indeed formed, and staffed by graduates of the country’s leading technical universities.” The next year, the Russian military expanded its public recruitment of young programmers; social-media ads for the “Research Squadron of the Russian Federation” depicted a soldier putting down a rifle and turning to a keyboard, accompanied by a heavy-metal soundtrack.

A retired K.G.B. colonel recently told the magazine Ogonyok that Russia had about a thousand people working in military and security operations online. According to a detailed report that appeared last November in the well-regarded online publication Meduza, several hundred technical specialists have left commercial firms to work for state-run cyber teams. A Defense Ministry spokesperson refused to confirm any details, telling a Meduza correspondent that the topic is secret, “so no one can see how we might apply these methods,” and warning against publication: “Don’t risk doing anything further—don’t put yourself in the crosshairs.”

After penetrating the State Department, the Dukes moved on to the unclassified computer network that serves the executive office of the President. (The network manages, for instance, details of his movements.) By February, 2015, the increasing intensity of Russian intrusions into sensitive political targets had raised alarms in Washington, and Clapper, the director of national intelligence, told a Senate hearing that the “Russian cyberthreat is more severe than we have previously assessed.”

European officials voice similar concerns. The Directorate-General for External Security, the French spy agency, is reportedly worried that Russian spies, hackers, and others are working to help Marine Le Pen, the Presidential candidate of the far-right National Front Party. Russian state media have suggested that one of her opponents, Emmanuel Macron, is a tool of American banks and has a secret gay

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          International Conference: “Diasporic and migrants identities: social, cultural, political, religious and spiritual aspects”   

On 23rd and 24th April, Institute for Islamic tradition of Bosniak organized a two – day international scientific conference titled Diasporic and migrants identities: social, cultural, political, religious and spiritual aspects in the Great Hall of the Gazi Husrev – bey’s...

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          Radio podcast “Džemre”   

The Institute for Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks in 2015 organized a radio podcast with Radio BIR named “Džemre” which emitted a total of 12 episodes covering different topics about Islam and Bosniaks. The podcast in Bosnian language can be found...

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          Institute took part in Goethe University Summer School   

6.9. – 11.9.2016. A group of students and professors from the Goethe University in Frankfurt were in Sarajevo where they took part in a Summer School titled “Religion and Society”. Dr. Dževada Šuško gave a lecture titled “Religion Policies in Austro-Hungary”...

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          Director dr. Šuško at “Women in Contemporary Times – Challanges and Perspectives”   

6.5.2017 – The Islamic Community of Bosniaks in Austria (IZBA) organized a symposium titled “Women in Contemporary Times – Challanges and Perspectives”. Director dr.Šuško gave a lecture titled “Bosniaks between Faith,Tradition and Life in Europe”.  Other participants at the symposium...

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          Round-table “Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks” in Zagreb   

In the Islamic Cultural Center in Zagreb a round-table titled “Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks” was organized by the Center for Cultural Dialogue – CKD. The guest speakers at the round-table were dr. Dževada Šuško, dr.Elvir Duranović and mr.Hikmet Karčić, who presented...

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          Round-table “Religion in SFRY and DDR”   

28.04.2017. – At the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Sarajevo a round-table titled “Religion in SFRY and DDR” was organized by the Institute for Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks.Institute Director Dr.Dževada Šuško opened the round-table and gave a welcome note. The moderator...

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          Research Project: “Analysis of Islamic Calligraphic Panels (levha) by Bosniak Calligraphers from 18th to mid-20 century”   

The Institute for Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks supported a research project by Meliha Teparić from the International University of Sarajevo. The title of her research project was Analiza islamskih kaligrafskih panela (levhi) bošnjačkih kaligrafa (hattata) od 18. do sredine 20....

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          A Student Group from Germany visits the Institute   

20.5.2017. – A group of 50 German Muslim students, academics, social workers, professors headed by Sejfuddin Dizdarević visited the Institute for Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks where the director dr.Dževada Šuško held a lecture in german language about Islam in Bosnia...

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          Conference held in Kiseljak “Multireligious Bosnia, Message of Ahdnama and Contemporary Context”   

25. May 2017 – In Kiseljak, a local conference was held titled “Multireligious Bosnia, message of Ahdnama and contemporary context” which is a central event of this years manifestation “Message of Ahdnama”. The organizers of this event was Sarajevo Mufti, Majlis...

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          Director Šuško met with a Ministry of Internal Affairs delegation   

16.05.2017. Director of the Institute dr. Dževada Šuško today met with Mr. Reinhard Busch and his assistent Maja Jurčić. Mr. Busch is the director of  “Deutsche Islam Konferenz” which is part of the Ministry for Internal Affairs of the Federal...

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          Elma Frasto uploaded a new picture: IMG_20170627_220510…   

Elma Frasto uploaded a new picture: IMG_20170627_220510… Sarajevo, the capital city of Bosnia and Herzegovina, this photo was captured on Alifakovac.

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          Croatian-Bosnian state-of-the-art border crossing inaugurated   

A state-of-the-art Bosnian-Croatian border crossing was opened at Bijaca near Ljubuski on Friday, an investment of EUR 9.6 million, the majority of which came from the European Union.


          Leon Goretzka: Arsenal £21m target shining for Germany in Confederations Cup and likely to leave Schalke   
ARSENAL continue to be linked with Schalke and Germany midfielder Leon Goretzka. Arsene Wenger has already raided the Bundesliga club for Bosnian full-back Sead Kolasinac and could return to Gelsenkirchen for another signing. 22-year-old Goretzka has impressed with Schalke this season and is expected to move to one of Europe’s big clubs this summer. Here’s […]
          Who is Leon Goretzka? Arsenal target starring for Germany in Confederations Cup   
ARSENAL continue to be linked with Schalke and Germany midfielder Leon Goretzka. Arsene Wenger has already raided the Bundesliga club for Bosnian full-back Sead Kolasinac and could return to Gelsen…
          New: Bosnian Dictionary GoldEdition (Travel)   

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          Mountain View by Mevludin Sejmenovic   


Mountain View by Mevludin Sejmenovic


Vares, Bosnia


Mevludin Sejmenovic: Photos


          For sale - 1:22 champion racing motor bikes moto gp ducati... - $12   
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          For sale - ebbro 1/43 toyota 2000 gt racing scca 1968 #23 ltd... - $49   

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          For sale - 1:22 champion racing motor bikes moto gp derbi 125... - $30   

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          For sale - 1:22 champion racing motor bikes moto gp honda nsr... - $30   
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          For sale - minichamps 1.43 F1 panasonic toyota racing tf102... - $30   

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          Looking for Old Photographs of Immigrants to Michigan   
I’m a student at Northern Michigan University and I’m helping with a project on immigrants who moved from the Austro-Hungarian Empire to Michigan.
The Austro-Hungarian Empire included parts of what is now Austria, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Bosnia, Croatia, Poland, Romania, Italy, Ukraine, Moldova, Serbia, and Montenegro.

I’m trying to track down images, preferably taken before 1918, of immigrants and their churches/homes/businesses/etc. If you have any old photographs that you would be willing to share (or contacts with historical societies that might have photographs), please contact me here or at annipete@nmu.edu.

Thanks!
          Karadzic appeals 40-year prison sentence   

Wartime Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic on Friday filed an appeal against the guilty verdict by which a UN tribunal sentenced him to 40 years in prison, insisting that his trial was not fair.


          Moscow says Karadzic war crimes sentence politicised   

The ICTY war crimes conviction of former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic is politicised, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Gennady Gatilov said on Friday.


          Bosnia divided ahead of Karadzic war crimes verdict   

Representatives of associations of war victims and of the families of the killed and the missing will attend the hearing in The Hague on March 24, including Munira Subasic, president of the Mothers of the Srebrenica and Zepa Enclaves association.


          Brammertz: Karadzic judgement proof that justice is possible   

Whatever the outcome of the trial, that is, whatever the judgement be, Brammertz believes that it will be an important step in determining responsibility for the events during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina.


          ICTY to deliver Karadzic verdict on March 24   

An International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) trial chamber said on Thursday that it would deliver a verdict for former Bosnian Serb political leader Radovan Karadzic on March 24.


          Bosnian army chief of staff says no fear of armament of neighbouring countries   

"Given the agreement on the subregional supervision of armament which clearly defines how much arms Bosnia, Croatia, Serbia and Montenegro can have, there is no reason for fear and panic," Jelec said in an interview


          Business Game Changers Radio with Sarah Westall: Bosnian Pyramids, New Discoveries, Universe Communications, Dr. Osmanagich, Pt. 2   
EpisodePart 2: Dr. Osmanagich, or Dr. Sam, joins the program to share the latest findings and discoveries in Bosnia. The Bosnian Pyramids are the largest known pyramids in the world. Dr. Sam's project is the ONLY transparent and completely open Pyramid project to the worlds scientists and tourists. Scientists are able to learn and share findings as they occur. It's an amazing project that the world should treasure.   See more at www.SarahWestall.com
          Business Game Changers Radio with Sarah Westall: Bosnian Pyramids, New Discoveries, Universe Communications, Dr. Osmanagich,   
EpisodeDr. Osmanagich, or Dr. Sam, joins the program to share the latest findings and discoveries in Bosnia. The Bosnian Pyramids are the largest known pyramids in the world. Dr. Sam's project is the ONLY transparent and completely open Pyramid project to the worlds scientists and tourists. Scientists are able to learn and share findings as they occur. It's an amazing project that the world should treasure.
          Business Game Changers Radio with Sarah Westall: Did Advanced Civilizations Exist Thousands of Years Earlier than Current History Suggests?   
EpisodeHuman History Paradigm Shift? Bosnian Pyramids Proving Advanced Civilizations Existed at Least 34,000 Years Ago The current tale of human history as described in our textbooks and schools is being challenged by a group of archeologists and scientists all over the world. It has long been argued that the great pyramids of Giza, the ancient buildings in Peru, and other amazing structures all over the world hold clues of advanced civilizations existing in our past long before conventional histo ...
          Slovenia takes over presidency of SEECP for EU enlargement, security   

Slovenia has taken over the one-year chairmanship of the Southeast Europe Cooperation Process , a regional partnership with focus on promoting EU enlargement, security, the youth and digitalization, according to the Slovenian Press Agency on Saturday morning. Slovenia formally took over the presidency from Croatia at Friday's SEECP summit in Dubrovnik, Croatia, which was attended by the presidents of Croatia, Slovenia, Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Bulgaria.


          Supreme Court Overturns Lower Court On Grounds For Stripping U.S. Citizenship   
A naturalized U.S. citizen should not have been stripped of her citizenship for the sole reason that she lied to U.S. officials, the Supreme Court ruled Thursday, vacating a lower court's decision. The plaintiff, an ethnic Serb who entered the U.S. as a refugee, had argued that false answers she gave to immigration officials were immaterial to procuring citizenship. "We have never read a statute to strip citizenship from someone who met the legal criteria for acquiring it," Justice Elena Kagan wrote in the court's opinion. "We will not start now." The case centers on Divna Maslenjak, who entered the U.S. in 2000 as a refugee along with her husband and their two children. Maslenjak became a naturalized citizen in 2007 — but around the same time, she was found to have lied to U.S. officials when she said her husband had not participated in Bosnia's civil war. In fact, he served in a brigade that was involved in the notorious Srebrenica massacre of Bosnian Muslims in 1995. During the
          Expediente no resuelto discovery max La gente de las sombras   

Expediente no resuelto: La gente de las sombras y el milagro del sol. El reformatorio abandonado de Preston Castle en Ione, California, parece estar poseido por la gente en la sombra, un fenómeno cada vez más reportado y común en los EE.UU. Sobre la ciudad de Medjugorje, en Bosnia Herzegobina, cientos de testigos afirman que […]

La entrada Expediente no resuelto discovery max La gente de las sombras aparece primero en Documentales online gratis en español sin cortes.


          Comment on Today’s Outage by Bosnian/American Band AXA / INGRAY - Live In Concerts   
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          Comment on Dear Readers, Please Forgive by Bosnian/American Band AXA / INGRAY - Live In Concerts   
<strong>...Additional Information ca be found here</strong> [...] Look for AXA - one of the most popular Bosnian rock bands from the late 90's - early 00's. The band was later renamed to INGRAY, moved to USA and released some awesome albums for different labels. It's founder, popular creative designer, Haris…
          Messaggio del Presidente Mattarella in occasione della Commemorazione dei Caduti della Guerra 1915-1918 presso il Sacrario Militare del Pasubio   
C o m u n i c a t o Il Presidente della Repubblica, Sergio Mattarella, ha inviato al Presidente della Fondazione "3 novembre 1918", Generale di Corpo d’Armata Domenico Innecco, il seguente messaggio: «Saluto tutti i convenuti alla significativa cerimonia intesa a commemorare i caduti della prima guerra mondiale ed in particolare, coloro i … Continua la lettura di Messaggio del Presidente Mattarella in occasione della Commemorazione dei Caduti della Guerra 1915-1918 presso il Sacrario Militare del Pasubio
          Messaggio di cordoglio del Presidente Mattarella per la scomparsa di Simone Veil   
C o m u n i c a t o   Il Presidente della Repubblica, Sergio Mattarella, ha inviato al Presidente della Repubblica Francese, Emmanuel Macron, il seguente messaggio: « Con la scomparsa di Simone Veil l’Europa e la Francia perdono un’insigne testimone dei valori di libertà, giustizia e tolleranza per i quali si è … Continua la lettura di Messaggio di cordoglio del Presidente Mattarella per la scomparsa di Simone Veil
          Cambio della Guardia d’Onore al Quirinale del 2 luglio 2017   
C o m u n i c a t o Domenica 2 luglio 2017 alle ore 18.00, si svolgerà il tradizionale cambio della Guardia d’Onore al Palazzo del Quirinale, al termine del quale la Banda dell’Arma dei Carabinieri eseguirà un concerto di cui si indica il programma: M. Ciafrei: Fuoco incrociato;G. Verdi: Ernani;J.P. Sousa: Semper … Continua la lettura di Cambio della Guardia d’Onore al Quirinale del 2 luglio 2017
          Messaggio del Presidente Mattarella in occasione del XVIII Congresso Nazionale della CISL   
C o m u n i c a t o Il Presidente della Repubblica, Sergio Mattarella, ha inviato alla Segretaria Generale della CISL, Annamaria Furlan, il seguente messaggio: « Il XVIII Congresso Nazionale della CISL sulle tematiche della centralità della persona e il lavoro, apre una riflessione opportuna sulla necessità di ricondurre la dimensione del … Continua la lettura di Messaggio del Presidente Mattarella in occasione del XVIII Congresso Nazionale della CISL
          Messaggio del Presidente Mattarella in occasione della Giornata Internazionale delle Cooperative   
C o m u n i c a t o Il Presidente della Repubblica, Sergio Mattarella, in occasione della Giornata Internazionale delle Cooperative, ha inviato il seguente messaggio: «Rivolgo un cordiale saluto a tutti i partecipanti alla Giornata Internazionale delle Cooperative, che quest’anno è dedicata all’inclusione. Un tema particolarmente rilevante e avvertito, specie alla luce … Continua la lettura di Messaggio del Presidente Mattarella in occasione della Giornata Internazionale delle Cooperative
          Messaggio del Presidente Mattarella in occasione dell’Assemblea annuale della Consulta Nazionale Antiusura   
C o m u n i c a t o   Il Presidente della Repubblica, Sergio Mattarella, ha inviato al Presidente della Consulta Nazionale Antiusura "Giovanni Paolo II", Mons. Alberto d’Urso, il seguente messaggio: «In occasione dell’Assemblea annuale della Consulta Nazionale Antiusura desidero rinnovare il più vivo apprezzamento per l’impegno dei volontari, i quali svolgono, … Continua la lettura di Messaggio del Presidente Mattarella in occasione dell’Assemblea annuale della Consulta Nazionale Antiusura
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          National anthems of Slavic countries   

Below is the list of anthems officially recognised in Slavic countries as their national anthems. With a very short description, who is the composer, when it was written, something like that.


1. Belarus - "My Belarusy" ("We Belarusians")


image


Music is based on Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic, composed by a Belarusian composer Nestar Sakalouski in 1955. The text was written by Uladzimir Karyzna in 2002. Officially adopted in 2002.



2. Bosnia and Herzegovina - "Intermezzo"


image


Music composed by Dušan Šestić, Bosnian Serb composer. Was adopted in 1999. The text is written by the composer of music and by Bosnian singer, songwriter and poet - Benjamin Isović, in 2008. The text is not officially accepted, so the anthem is played in instrumental version.



3. Bulgaria - "Mila Rodino" ("Dear Motherland")


image


Both, text and music were created by Bulgar student Tsvetan Tsvetkov Radoslavov, who were going to a Serbian-Bulgarian war in 1885. Is a national anthem since 1964, few times modified. After the collapse of the Eastern Bloc the third part have been removed for its reference to the Soviet Union "with us, Moscow".



4. Croatia - "Lijepa naša domovino" ("Our beautiful homeland")


image


The text written by a Croatian poet, Antun Mihanović, first time published in 1835. In 1846 the music was composed by Josip Runjamin, a military cadet. Is a national anthem since 1991, although was considered an anthem of the Republic of Croatia within Yugoslavia before.



5. Czechia - "Kde domov můj" ("Where is my home")


image


The text was written by Czech writer Josef Kajetán Tyl, music was composed by František Jan Škroup. The anthem was a part of the comedy "Fidlovačka" from 1834 which haven't become popular. The song, on the other hand, became very popular and was accepted as unofficial anthem of a nation existing within the borders of Austria-Hungary. With a part of current Slovak anthem was also a national anthem of Czechoslovakia, since 1993 current version of anthem was adopted.



6. Macedonia - "Denes nad Makedonija" ("Today over Macedonia")


image


The text was written in 1941 by Vlado Maleski, one of the most prominent Macedonian poets and a partisan. The music was composed by Todor Skalovski in 1943. Until 1989 was an unofficial anthem of Macedonia within Yugoslavia, and since 1992 is officially recognised as a national anthem of Macedonia.



7. Montenegro - "Oj, svijetla majska zoro" ("Oh, bright dawn of May")


image


The text written in 1937 by Sekula Drljević, Montenegrin separatist politician, lawyer and writer, who during World War II collaborated with the Germans and Ustasha movement. The music is a Montenegrin folk song. The anthem adopted in 2004.



8. Poland - "Mazurek Dąbrowskiego" ("Dąbrowski's Mazurka")


image


The text written in 1797 by a politician and writer, Józef Wybicki, as "Song of the Polish Legions in Italy", who wrote it during his stay in Northern Italy; it was originally meant to boost the morale of Polish soldiers serving under General Jan Henryk Dąbrowski's Polish Legions that served with Napoleon's French Revolutionary Army in the Italian campaigns of the French Revolutionary Wars. The author of music remains unknown. Officially adopted as a national anthem in 1927.



9. Russia


image


The adaptation of the Soviet anthem, to which Alexandr Alexandrov composed the music in 1938. The current text was written by a Russian poet, Sergey Mikhalkov, in 2000. Adopted in 2000, the national anthem of Russian Federation have subsituted "Patriotic Song" which functioned as an anthem since 1991.



10. Serbia - "Bože pravde" ("God of Justice")


image


Written in 1872, the text by Jovan Djordjevic, music by Davorin Jenko. The original text which had a reference to monarchy have been slightly modified. It was an anthem of the Principality of Serbia and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Currently an anthem of Serbia since 2006.



11. Slovakia - "Nad Tatrou sa blýska" ("Lightning over the Tatras")


image


The text written in 1844 by a Slovak poet, Janko Matúška. The first part was present in the anthem of Czechoslovakia. The music is a folk song, known also in Carpathian mountains and Podhale region. Adopted in 1993 with the split of Czechoslovakia.



12. Slovenia - "Zdravljica" ("A toast")


image


The text written in 1844 by France Prešeren, most prominent Slovene poet. The music composed in 1905 by a composer, Stanko Premrl. Adopted in 1989.



13. Ukraine - "Shche ne vmerla Ukrainy ni slava ni volya" ("The glory and the freedom of Ukraine has not yet perished")


image


The text written in 1862 by an ethnograph and a poet, Pavlo Chubynski, the music was composed by a Greek-Catholic priest, Mykhailo Verbytski in 1863. An anthem in years 1917-20 and since 1992. In 2003 was slightly modified due to similar lyrics to a Polish national anthem. I am not sure which version is in link provided, but only two or three things changed.




          Comment on The Curious Case of Ozzie Osbourne by Bosnian/American Band AXA / INGRAY - Live In Concerts   
<strong>...Awesome website</strong> [...] Pay some attantion to AXA - one of the unforgetable BiH rock bands from the late 90's - early 00's. The band later changed it's name to Ingray, went to America and came out with several great and eclectic materials for different publishers. It…
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          Commenti su Settimane C.E.C di Bosnian/American Band AXA / INGRAY - Live In Concerts   
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          Oltre Sarajevo: 10 cose da fare e vedere in Bosnia Erzegovina   
Pur trovandosi piuttosto vicina ai nostri confini, la Bosnia Erzegovina non è una delle mete turistiche più gettonate dai turisti italiani, che al massimo si concedono una visita a Mostar e al suo...
          Comment on Chicken Soup for the Soul: Thanks Dad by Bosnian/American Band AXA / INGRAY - Live In Concerts   
...Recent Blogroll Additions... [...] Look for AXA - one of the most interesting BiH rock bands from the late 90's - early 00's. The band later changed it's name to INGRAY, went to USA and released several unique materials for different publishers. It's founder, established creat...
          Comment on Hot Links of the Week – August 18 by Bosnian/American Band AXA / INGRAY - Live In Concerts   
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          Comment on The Practice Room by Bosnian/American Band AXA / INGRAY - Live In Concerts   
Trackback... [...] Check AXA - one of the most amazing Sarajevo's rock bands from the late 90's - early 00's. The band later got renamed to Ingray, moved all the way to Detroit and made a couple of Rock/Pop/Metal records for different publishing companies. It's...
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Trackback... [...]Check out AXA - one of the best Bosnian rock bands from the late 90's - early 00's. The band was later renamed to INGRAY, moved to the US and recorded some great albums for different labels. It's founder, popular visual artist, Haris Cizmic (ha...
             

Carpetbagger:  What I resent most about Donald Trump

    Could it be Trump's weird bad-hair-day approach to grooming that I resent most?  No, not really.  He's actually been getting his hair to behave itself lately.

     Is it that The Donald is an even worse president than George W. Bush?  Nah, it's not that -- even though Trump seems to be trying really hard to be the absolute worst American president ev-ah.  But at least DJT actually did get legally elected (sort of, if you ignore our country's new Jim Crow voting laws, that electoral college nonsense, blatant electronic vote tampering and Citizens United).  Bush definitely did not get elected.  GWB bought the 2000 election straight up.

     Is it because Trump (like Johnson, Bush, Clinton, Bush 2, Reagan and Obama) lied us into yet another phony act of "war"?  Nope, that seems to be what American presidents do these days -- make sure that weapons contractors (not us) get all the taxpayers' money.  It's part of the job description as far as I can tell.

     Is it because Trump lies through his teeth about almost everything else?  No, almost all politicians lie through their teeth -- with the exception of Senator Al Franken (please read his new book "Giant of the Senate").  I've come to expect constant waterfalls of lies from DC and try to work around them.  http://www.businessinsider.com/new-york-times-used-full-page-to-print-all-trump-lies-since-taking-office-2017-6

     Is it because Trump kisses the arse of the evil Deep State?  Nope, almost everyone in Washington does that (see below regarding HRC).  Why just single out Trump?

     Is it because Trump promised us that he would end the freaking illegal and criminal "war" on Syria?  That he even pinky-swore that he would stop the Pentagon and CIA's traitorous funneling of blood money to ISIS and al Qaeda in Syria and Iraq -- but yet under Trump's watch there are still blatant American ratlines to these disgusting terrorist groups who only Syria's President Assad and the Russians are actually fighting against?  No.  Trump lied and I fell for it.  That one's on me.  http://www.moonofalabama.org/2017/06/more-us-torture-a-saudi-coup-and-isis-crimes-but-progressives-are-militant.html

     Is it because Trump generates hate between Americans everywhere he goes, blaming immigrants and Blacks and Muslims for all the troubles that the Deep State has systematically caused?  Uh-uh.  Wall Street and War Street have been screwing Americans for decades, centuries even.  If Americans are still falling for this shite, it's not Trump's fault.  This one's on the Americans who elected him.  To get at the real truth, all Americans have to do is just occasionally read my blog!   http://jpstillwater.blogspot.com/2017/05/the-us-freed-libya.html

     Is it because Trump has shamelessly disrespected the skilled and vital immigrant labor force that is currently re-building America in the 21st century and doing it under almost slave-labor conditions -- in the same manner that African slaves built America in the 18th century, and that 19th-century America was built by cheap labor supplied by Chinese coolies, immigrants from impoverished European serf classes and America's own exploited and wage-enslaved white factory workers and miners?  Well, that too -- but this isn't the main Trump yucky grossness that I resent.

    No, what I really resent about Trump is that he's always asking his grassroots base for money -- sending out several lie-filled emails a day, trying to nickel-and-dime America's poor sweet misguided grandmas and grandpas to death.  Trump always makes it sound like a national emergency if Junior doesn't cough up his lunch money for Trump.

     That's what irritates me most. 

     Isn't it enough that Trump is stripping his grassroots base of their medical care, their jobs, their emergency back-up food supplies, their chance at a good education, their soldier-boy sons (who will now come back in a box after fighting his senseless "wars" for him), their chances of having a real home and all their hopes of becoming part of the middle-class American Dream?  Now Trump's going after their life-savings too?

     Because so many of Trump's supporters come from the Red-State South, one would think that his supporters in those states -- with their intense love of dwelling on the past -- would be able to immediately spot a Northern carpetbagger when they see one.  But apparently not.

     And speaking of Northerners, here's the next episode of my recent adventure in New York City, wherein Hillary Clinton tells all.  But what I don't understand is why Red-State voters recognize Clinton as the carpetbagger that she is at heart -- but don't seem to catch on that Donald Trump is one too.  Huh?

 New York City, Day Three, Part Two:   Here's one of my favorite things to do in NYC -- go eat rice pudding at B&H Dairy on Second Avenue.  Met a friend there and we talked.  The 14th Street cross-town bus took forever to get there.  I could have walked faster.  At B&H, I told my friend about all the latest soap opera back in Berkeley and she caught me up on Lower East Side news.

     "There's a lot of construction going on here in Manhattan right now," she said, "and also all over the world.  There's a lot of money-laundering out there apparently and building construction is the best way to do it.  Even in Ramallah, buildings are going up like crazy."  Even in Berkeley.  10,000 units of housing.  They build it and then sell it off to the Saudis or else to the Chinese."  I just gotta write a blog post about that!   http://jpstillwater.blogspot.com/2017/06/the-real-estate-boom-in-nyc-money.html

     My friend looked great by the way.  What's her secret?

     "There was a big explosion next to the B&H last year and B&H was shut down as a result.  The whole neighborhood rallied, even started a Go-Fund-Me site and saved B&H!"  So there I was, still eating B&H rice pudding thanks to my friend and the neighborhoodThe owners needed the money to rewire their gas lines before they could reopen.

     Then I dealt with the subway and transferred two times without getting lost.  Boo-yah!  Aster Place to 14th Street to 34th Street and Eighth Avenue. 

     Next?  A panel discussion at the Book Expo on how to sell one's book to Hollywood.  I asked them, "How do I sell my book to Studio Ghibli in Japan?"  Nobody on the panel even knew who Studio Ghibli was.  Humph. 

      Now I'm waiting in line with the rest of the media to get into see Hillary Rodham Clinton.  There are about 50 of us.  We've already been sniffed by bomb-sniffing dogs.  Now it's just wait and see.  There are hundreds of people here who actually came (and actually paid good money) to see Killery explain all those dead babies who were murdered on her watch.  Gross.  But I'm not going to say anything -- at least not until I get home to blog my heart out.  Trump may be hitting America over the head with a hammer -- but Hillary and her Deep State friends would have us die slowly by a thousand (budget) cuts.  http://jpstillwater.blogspot.com/2017/06/hillary-clintons-bea-speech-gettin.html 

     Someone just handed me a glass of white wine.  I wonder if they will serve food.  I wonder if there are any press people here that I know.  Probably not.  I wonder if the Secret Service is here too.  And then the crowd starts moving and I'm inside the auditorium, in the front but off to the side.  No food. 

     Tomorrow Senator Al Franken is going to speak.  Should I get up early enough to go to the children's authors' breakfast too?  Nah.  No free food that I can eat. 

     Carolyn Reedy of Simon and Schuster was the introducer.  "She's a major best-selling author.  She's published all five of her books with us -- and a new one is coming soon.  Cheryl Strayed, an author in her own right, will interview her.  Remember that 65,000,000 people voted for Hillary Clinton and if only a small percentage of those buy her book…." 

     HRC came out.  She got an actual standing ovation -- except for from me.  "Do you know how much we love you?"  Not me.  Not after the slaughter in Libya and Syria.  She talked about the re-publications of "It Takes a Village". 

     "I never know what they are attacking me for," regarding the Republicans.  Her other new book is "a personal deep experience and catharsis".  It's a book of sayings and quotations.  "People shared their own stories with me.  Moments when people grab your hand and tell you their stories.  That was incredibly meaningful to me."  Did Kaddafi grab your hand and tell you his story before you murdered him?  "The courage to get back up when you've been knocked down.  It was incredibly painful."  The book doesn't have a title yet. 

     "Writing it was cathartic.  Resilience is a great gift."  Tell that to the Syrians, why don't you?  "Whatever gives you that faith to keep going.  The extraordinary capacity to keep going."  Like the dead people in Libya, Ukraine, Syria, etc. all have? 

      "One person told me how he was struck down by the landing gear of the plane on 9-11."  And lived to tell about it?  And why exactly was the landing gear down?  "There are challenges every step of the way.  A lot are rooted in family and friends but a lot is my own determination and resilience.  One foot in front of another.  For the part that is larger than myself.  I work in the little farmhouse we have."  You mean the 5,600-square-foot 2.5 million-dollar cottage with the swimming pool and guest house on acres of land just outside of Brooklyn? 

     She's going a lot farther in her new book than she had.  "This is my truth, no matter what others say.  How I saw it, felt and thought.  You cannot make up what happened!  This is how I experienced it.  Pulling the curtain back on running for president.  You will find out." She also said something about America's need to come to grips with the future.  I definitely agree with her on that one. 

     The hardest part for HRC was understanding what she didn't do well or what would have worked better.  "The more you understand what happened, the more we understand what we need to know.  Russia.  Russia's interference.  I am worried about my country.  The way this White House is behaving is deeply troubling.  The lies.  What happened that was totally unprecedented."  The foreign country that actually interfered in our elections?  What about Israel and Saudi Arabia?  Or the lies she told about Libya?  Gag me with a spoon.  If she hadn't lied and murdered her way through the world as Secretary of State, then perhaps people would have voted for her instead of Bernie or The Donald or Jill Stein.  But then that's just me.  http://jpstillwater.blogspot.com/2017/06/hillary-clintons-bea-speech-gettin.html 

     "I'm fine as a person after this election but I'm worried as an American.  Being an American was important when I was growing up.  It was an open time.  The world was out there waiting for us."  She then names Kennedy, Eisenhower.  "That's how we were raised.  And I always loved reading.  Nancy Drew, a girl who thought for herself."  Literature as inspiration and also distraction.  She likes murder mysteries too so she can't be all bad. 

     Hope?  Is she hopeful?  Yes, but hope needs to be linked to strategy, kindness.  She was deeply troubled by the white racist in Portland -- breaking through the veneer of civilization.  A level of behavior should be expected of everyone.  To unleash a level of vitriol is dangerous -- and yet that's exactly what she did with regard to Russia, Syria, Ukraine, Libya, etc. 

      "As Secretary of State, Senator and First Lady, I've traveled and it doesn't take much to rip off the level of civilization.  I've seen it in Bosnia and Rwanda.  Find your role.  Get involved.  People of reason -- there's been a deliberate assault on Truth and Reason." God I wish she'd shut up. 

     Advice to the first woman president?  "Read my book!  Plus our system is the most difficult in the world.  We don't have a parliamentary system where peers, colleagues and constituents know you first.  Here you have to raise a lot of money and run a gauntlet.  It's the hardest job in the world -- at least it used to be."  Plus women also have the double standard.  I've experienced it." 

     She is now reading "Jersey Brothers" which has authentic dialogue.  And she loves independent booksellers.  Of course she does.  She's talking to an audience full of them.  Then she made some snarky remarks about Trump and then asked "How can we be kinder?"  Stop bombing countries all over the world?  "We are now very divided in America, harder to cross over between each side, the Big Sort.  Take it out of politics and put it in the realm of citizenship.  Fund more opportunities for conversations like this one." 

     Then she stated that she was going to do everything she could to support The Resistance, from the ground level up.  School boards, county commissions, etc.  "I'm going to be active.  That's who I am.  That's my DNA."  Standing ovation, Queen Elizabeth wave. 

     Then I had a nice walk home to The Jane hotel, ate take-away dinner at the corner deli, showered, popped into bed, watched TV and read some more of Colin Cotterill's new book.
___________________

Stop Wall Street and War Street from destroying our world.   And while you're at it, please buy my books!  http://straitwellbooks.blogspot.com/2016/04/our-top-best-seller-right-now-is-bring.html 

     Plus here's a sneak preview of my latest book, a thrilling murder mystery entitled "Road Trip to Damascus," hopefully coming out by the end of 2017:  http://straitwellbooks.blogspot.com/2017/05/new-book-by-straitwell-press-coming-out.html

          Medjugorje, message du 2 juillet 2017 confié à Mirjana Soldo   

Objet :Medjugorje, message du 2 juillet 2017 confié à Mirjana Soldo
De :Enfants de Medjugorje (gospa.fr@gmail.com)
À :oliviamarcov@yahoo.fr;
Date :Dimanche 2 juillet 2017 21h00




Message du 2 juillet 2017 
 confié à Mirjana Soldo

« Chers enfants ! Merci de répondre à mes appels et de vous rassembler ici autour de moi, votre Mère Céleste. Je sais que vous pensez à moi avec amour et espérance et je ressens moi aussi de l'amour pour vous tous, comme mon très cher Fils en ressent également ; Lui qui, dans son amour miséricordieux, m'envoie vers vous toujours à nouveau. 
Lui qui a été homme, qui a été et qui est Dieu, un et trine, et qui a souffert pour vous sa Passion dans son corps et dans son âme. Lui qui s'est fait Pain pour nourrir vos âmes et ainsi les sauver. Mes enfants, je vous enseigne à être dignes de son amour, à orienter vos pensées vers Lui, à vivre de Lui. Apôtres de mon amour, je vous recouvre de mon manteau car, comme Mère, je désire vous protéger. Je vous en prie, priez pour le monde entier ! 
Mon cœur souffre, les péchés se multiplient, ils sont très nombreux, mais avec l'aide de vous qui êtes humbles, modestes, remplis d'amour, cachés et saints, mon cœur triomphera. Aimez mon Fils par-dessus tout, et le monde par Lui. N'oubliez jamais que chacun de vos frères porte en lui quelque chose de précieux : l'âme. 
C'est pourquoi, mes enfants, aimez tous ceux qui ne connaissent pas mon Fils afin que, par la prière et l'amour qui procède de la prière, ils deviennent meilleurs ; afin que les âmes soient sauvées et qu'elles aient la vie éternelle. Mes apôtres, mes enfants, mon Fils vous a dit de vous aimer les uns les autres. Que cela soit inscrit dans vos cœurs et, par la prière, essayez de vivre cet amour.  Je vous remercie."

Mirjana a précisé que la Vierge était triste
  

 
Photo de Mirjana durant l'apparition du 2 juillet 2017. Photo : https://www.facebook.com/pg/foto.djani
 
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          Ani OSN nemôže stáť nad zákonom   
Súd rozhodol, že holandskí vojaci boli zodpovední za smrť 350 bosnianskych moslimských mužov. Aj tu však imunita chráni spojené národy.
          Comment on East Village Burgers: Bacon & Cheese Stuffed Burgers with a Serbian Twist at Question Mark Cafe by Bosnian/American Band AXA / INGRAY - Live In Concerts   
<strong>...Download MP3's</strong> [...]Best Bosnian Rock Music Band - AXA (later INGRAY)[...]
          Comment on WSOP Main Event Premieres Tonight on ESPN, Dee Dozier Will Be the Star by Bosnian/American Band AXA / INGRAY - Live In Concerts   
<strong>...Recommended websites for free music download</strong> [...] Pay some attantion to AXA - one of the unique Sarajevo's rock bands from the late 90's - early 00's. The band later got renamed to Ingray, moved all the way to America and came out with a couple of European-American records for different publi…
          Crise dans les Balkans   
L’Europe va-t-elle perdre les Balkans ? (01/07/2017)

L’Europe va-t-elle perdre les Balkans ? (01/07/2017)
Miljenko Jergović, écrivain croate de Bosnie, met en garde contre un nouveau conflit et invite l’Union européenne à se réengager.

LE MONDE | 01.07.2017 à 13h00 • Mis à jour le 01.07.2017 à 14h37 | Par Miljenko Jergovic, Ecrivain croate de Bosnie et (L'intégralité de ce texte est parue dans la revue New Eastern Europe) (Dernier ouvrage traduit en ...

Lorsque le président turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan a marié sa fille, au mois de mai 2016, on a pu remarquer dans l’assistance trois invités étrangers dont la présence était révélatrice : les premiers ministres albanais et pakistanais, Edi Rama et Nawaz Sharif, et le représentant de la communauté bosniaque au sein du gouvernement collégial de Bosnie-Herzégovine, Bakir Izetbegovic.

Sharif soutient sans réserve Erdogan dans sa volonté de se positionner comme le dirigeant mondial des musulmans, un calife moderne qui allierait l’autorité d’un président américain avec celle d’un pape romain. Rama, lui, a une vision du monde très éloignée et une compréhension de la démocratie parlementaire très différente de celle du président turc.

Sharif et Rama ont cependant des intérêts pragmatiques communs. La Turquie tient absolument à se présenter comme le protecteur de l’Albanie dans les Balkans – ce dont le premier ministre albanais ne perd pas une occasion de tirer profit. Et Erdogan lui-même rappelle souvent que le père d’Izetbegovic, Alija Izetbegovic, a déclaré sur son lit de mort qu’il plaçait la Bosnie-Herzégovine sous la tutelle de la Turquie.

Ce legs est un fréquent sujet de conversation à Sarajevo, même si ces discussions négligent trop souvent le fait que la Bosnie-Herzégovine est un pays composé de trois ethnies et trois religions, et qu’il serait difficile de trouver, parmi les deux autres ethnies, une seule personne qui accepterait la Turquie comme ange gardien.

Retour de l’influence russe
Recep Tayyip Erdogan est de loin le politicien le plus populaire chez les Bosniaques. Ce qui ne froisse apparemment pas Izetbegovic. Au contraire, la popularité du président turc renforce la position d’Izetbegovic et fournit aux Bosniaques un puissant appui moral dans leurs querelles avec leurs voisins serbes et croates. Les Bosniaques se sentent protégés par la faveur que leur témoigne le « sultan du Bosphore » et sont prêts à le suivre avec le même...







          Bosnie-Herzégovine   
Le génocide de Srebrenica ne figurera plus dans les manuels scolaires serbes de Bosnie (07/06/2017)

Le génocide de Srebrenica ne figurera plus dans les manuels scolaires serbes de Bosnie (07/06/2017)

Le président de la Republika Srpska, Milorad Dodik, a été très clair mardi. Il dénonce une volonté de tromper les élèves en voulant faire enseigner dans les écoles qu’un massacre a été commis en 1995. Idem pour le siège de Sarajevo.

Les écoliers serbes de Bosnie ne trouveront plus mention dans leurs livres scolaires du massacre de Srebrenica ou du siège de Sarajevo, a prévenu mardi leur président, Milorad Dodik. Ce, malgré le fait que pour la justice internationale, l’exécution par les forces serbes de Bosnie de quelque 8000 hommes et adolescents bosniaques musulmans en juillet 1995 constitue un acte de génocide. C’est la pire tuerie commise sur le sol européen depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Et durant la guerre intercommunautaire de 1992 à 1995, Sarajevo a été soumise à un siège par les mêmes forces armées, durant lequel bombes et snipers ont fait quelque 10 000 morts.

A ce sujet, Le Courrier des Balkans propose un «tour d’horizon des enjeux et des polémiques dans les différents pays» de cette région de l’Europe, car rien, selon lui, «n’est plus sensible que le contenu des manuels scolaires, notamment dans certaines disciplines «identitaires» comme l’histoire ou la littérature. Malgré les efforts déployés par certains réseaux pour promouvoir une approche plurielle de l’histoire, les manuels servent souvent à inculquer des versions étroitement nationalistes.» D’où ce titre très clair du Blic, le quotidien populaire serbe publié à Belgrade: «Les enfants n’apprendront pas que les Serbes ont commis un génocide, parce que ce n’est pas vrai.»


C’est bien ce que Milorad Dodik a dit: «Ces affirmations ne sont pas vraies et de tels livres ne seront pas étudiés ici, que cela plaise ou non», a prévenu le président de la Republika Srpska, dans des propos rapportés par la télévision de cette entité des Serbes de Bosnie et par N1, l’antenne affiliée à CNN dans la région. Il y expliquait pourquoi il soutenait son ministre de l’Education, Dane Malesevic, qui a annoncé l’interdiction de ces ouvrages, édités dans la Fédération croato-musulmane. Rappelons comme Ouest-France le fait que «vingt ans après la fin de la guerre entre les Serbes de Bosnie, les Bosniaques et les Croates, le pays demeure organisé suivant l’appartenance ethnique: la République serbe de Bosnie et la Fédération de Bosnie-et-Herzégovine.»

 Suivre
 TheMuslimTimes @TheMuslimTimes2
Serb president bans teaching about Sarajevo siege, Srebrenica genocide https://themuslimtimes.info/2017/06/07/serb-president-bans-teaching-about-sarajevo-siege-srebrenica-genocide/ … via @wordpressdotcom
08:09 - 7 Jun 2017
Photo published for Serb president bans teaching about Sarajevo siege, Srebrenica genocide
Serb president bans teaching about Sarajevo siege, Srebrenica genocide
    Reuters International JUN 6, 2017 –   FILE PHOTO: Republika Srpska President Milorad Dodik at a ceremony in Stanari near Doboj, Bosnia and Herzegovina, September 20, 2016. REUTERS/Dado Ru…

«Nous avons des critères convenus avec l’OSCE qui ne prévoient pas que de telles choses soient étudiées» en Republika Srpska, a insisté Milorad Dodik, qui s’exprimait à Banja Luka, capitale de l’entité serbe. Il a par ailleurs dénoncé une volonté de tromper les élèves en voulant faire «enseigner dans nos écoles que nous avons commis un génocide». «Qui accepterait une telle chose?» s’est-il interrogé. «Nous ne le permettrons pas. S’ils veulent étudier ce genre d’histoire qu’ils le fassent dans la Fédération», a-t-il ajouté. Sur Twitter, la plupart des commentaires qualifient la décision de «négationniste».

6 Jun
 Stéphanie Trouillard  @Stbslam
http://www.ouest-france.fr/education/serbie-le-siege-de-sarajevo-retire-des-manuels-scolaires-5043236 …
 Suivre
 Memorial 98 @98Memorial
@Stbslam Nouvelle et terrible manifestation de négationnisme de la part de Dodik, coutumier du fait: solidarité Srebrenica http://www.memorial98.org/2015/07/20-ans-apres-le-genocide-de-srebrenica-victime-du-negationnisme.html …
00:03 - 7 Jun 2017
Photo published for 20 ans après: le génocide de Srebrenica victime du négationnisme - Memorial98 Contre le racisme et...
20 ans après: le génocide de Srebrenica victime du négationnisme - Memorial98 Contre le racisme et...
Mise à jour du 6 juin 2017 Le chef de l’entité serbe de Bosnie, Milorad Dodik, en faveur du négationnisme, à quelques semaines du 22e anniversaire du génocide de Srebrenica. Il vient de décider que...
memorial98.org

A ce propos, La Liberté de Fribourg précise que suivant un accord de 2002 que détaille le site Balkaninsight et qui est «soutenu par la communauté internationale, la guerre qui ravagea le pays entre 1992 et 1995 fut omise des manuels d’histoire, chaque communauté ayant son interprétation des événements survenus à l’époque.» Dodik, de ce point de vue, est qualifié d'«arrogant» et d'«incapable» sur la page Facebook de l’Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina (ACBH). «En revanche, le siège de Sarajevo et le génocide de Srebrenica étaient mentionnés dans certains manuels de la Fédération de Bosnie et pouvaient être utilisés par des élèves bosniaques scolarisés dans certaines des 22 écoles qu’ils fréquentent en République serbe.»

Facebook.com/ACBiH
En février dernier, Le Courrier des Balkans avait aussi expliqué qu’en ex-Yougoslavie, les manuels d’histoire étaient «des armes de guerre»: «Ils condensent et simplifient le passé des communautés nationales, ils excluent les autres de leur champ de vision.» Pour y remédier, un projet pilote mené depuis Thessalonique tentait depuis quelque temps «de rassembler les matériaux d’une histoire commune». Les volumes consacrés à l’histoire contemporaine de l’ancienne fédération yougoslave venaient de sortir et avaient provoqué, une fois de plus, «polémiques et débats à travers toute la région».

 Suivre
 Memorial 98 @98Memorial
Eruption de négationnisme en Bosnie, à qques semaines du 22e anniversaire du génocide de Srebrenica; situation grave http://www.memorial98.org/2015/07/20-ans-apres-le-genocide-de-srebrenica-victime-du-negationnisme.html …
20:28 - 6 Jun 2017
Photo published for 20 ans après: le génocide de Srebrenica victime du négationnisme - Memorial98 Contre le racisme et...
20 ans après: le génocide de Srebrenica victime du négationnisme - Memorial98 Contre le racisme et...
Mise à jour du 6 juin 2017 Le chef de l’entité serbe de Bosnie, Milorad Dodik, en faveur du négationnisme, à quelques semaines du 22e anniversaire du génocide de Srebrenica. Il vient de décider que...
memorial98.org

De facto, Milorad Dodik a nié à plusieurs reprises qu’un acte de génocide ait été commis à Srebrenica: «Je vous le dis, nous ne reconnaîtrons pas le génocide. Le génocide n’a pas eu lieu», avait-il répété en juillet 2016. Autrefois favori des Occidentaux qui ont facilité son accession au pouvoir, le président s’en est ainsi beaucoup éloigné. Il estime d’ailleurs que les fragiles institutions de la Bosnie, qui divisent le pays en deux entités largement autonomes, ne sont pas viables. Par le passé, il a aussi brandi la menace d’un référendum d’autodétermination, et cette nouvelle manifestation de nationalisme exacerbé provoque pas mal d’ironie sur les réseaux:

5 Jun
 вадoр @Vadorovic
La verite sur srebrenica pic.twitter.com/GDYvqwVmqz
 Suivre
 ن Vojkan @vojkan_milos
@Vadorovic Il y a bien eu un crime à Srebrenica qui n'a pas eu l'ampleur prétendue, on ne sait pas qui l'a organisé mais Karadzic n'y était pour rien.
09:02 - 5 Jun 2017

En septembre dernier, les Serbes de Bosnie-Herzégovine ont d’ailleurs «voté en faveur du maintien de leur fête nationale le 9 janvier, date qui correspond à la proclamation de la République serbe», avait expliqué Courrier international. Pour le quotidien de Sarajevo Dnevni Avaz, cela représentait un gros risque de plus grande division du pays encore.

Dans nos archives historiques:






          Comment on Paddy Ashdown on Bosnia and Herzegovina: “These are dangerous times; they are very dangerous times indeed” by Richard Underhill   
Euro commissioner Chris Patten commented in his book First Confession that "Paddy Ashdown particularly helped to do this in Bosnia with a formidable display of leadership which made me regret that Britain no longer has an empire to provide further career opportunities for him."
           Dervishes and Islam in Bosnia: Sufi Dimensions to the Formation of Bosnian Muslim Society By I nes A ščerić- T odd    
<span class="paragraphSection"><span style="font-style:italic;">Dervishes and Islam in Bosnia: Sufi Dimensions to the Formation of Bosnian Muslim Society</span> By Aščerić-ToddInes (Leiden and Boston, MA: Brill, 2015), xiii + 198 pp. Price HB €110.00. EAN 978–9004278219.</span>
          Recent Release : Global Agriplod ZZ (Bosnia and Herzegovina) Market Forecasts, Size, Share, Regional Outlook 2022 – Acute Market Reports   

This new market research report forecasts on Agriplod ZZ (Bosnia and Herzegovina) Market providing complete market figures, consisting market size and estimation by Agriplod ZZ (Bosnia and Herzegovina) Market application and products depending upon geographical location for the forecasting period   2012 to 2022.  Further, the Agriplod ZZ (Bosnia and Herzegovina) Market research report study also ...

The post Recent Release : Global Agriplod ZZ (Bosnia and Herzegovina) Market Forecasts, Size, Share, Regional Outlook 2022 – Acute Market Reports appeared first on PDF Devices - eReaders and Tablets.


          Bulgaria U19 - England U19   
UEFA U19 European Championship - Group B - round 1 Bulgaria U19 vs England U19 at Mikheil Miskhi Stadium, Tbilisi, Georgia Bulgaria did well to win their qualification group over the likes of Bosnia, Israel and France and they haven't tasted defeat...
          19cm bosnian cock   
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          For sale - Vintage annalee 9" Mouse Santa w/Candy Cane Felt... - $15   
Cane 6710, Australia
Excludes: Africa, Asia, Central America and Caribbean, Middle East, Southeast Asia, South America, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Republic of, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Gibraltar, Greece, Bermuda, Mexico, Saint Pierre and Miquelon
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          Women as wartime rapists: a new book explores 'the impossible'   

Academic Laura Sjoberg argues that our gendered assumptions about sexual violence in conflict limit our understanding of these crimes.

A Yazidi woman at a displaced persons camp in Iraq. A Yazidi woman at a displaced persons camp in Iraq. Photo: Carol Guzy/PA Images. All rights reserved.Sexual violence in conflict – and the attention it receives – is not new. Every generation grows up with its horror stories. For mine, it has been ISIS; for my mother's, the Bosnian war and the Rwandan genocide; for my grandmother's, World War Two. Wartime sexual violence is understood as a crime specifically against women, by men. Women are overwhelming named as the victims, and men, overwhelmingly, the perpetrators. This focus is also not unique to conflict zones, and it has rendered invisible male victims, female perpetrators, and violence that doesn’t fit within wider patriarchal, heterosexual narratives.

Into this complex area dives academic Laura Sjoberg, in a provocative book entitled Women as Wartime Rapists: Beyond Sensation and Stereotyping, published late last year. While recognising that women who commit rape during war are a tiny minority of perpetrators, Sjoberg’s book puts these outliers under the microscope and makes a convincing case that our gendered assumptions about sexual violence in conflict limit our understanding of these crimes – and how to counter and prevent them.

Sjoberg’s book is theoretically dense and at times deeply distressing. It opens with the monstrous story of Nazi war criminal Ilse Koch – “the bitch of Buchenwald,” who became infamous globally for the sexual abuse, torture and murder of inmates in the concentration camp in Germany that her husband Karl commanded. Among Koch’s “most well-known” abuses, Sjoberg notes, were: “collecting the tattooed skin of women prisoners as home decorations, crafting lampshades and other household goods from the skin of Buchenwald victims”.

Koch was jailed for life, for the murder of prisoners, private enrichment and embezzlement – but not sexual violence. Though the Nuremberg trials heard evidence of mass rape, it did not prosecute these crimes. Ghoulish atrocities were perpetrated on an extraordinary scale in the Holocaust, and up to 10% of SS guards were women. But, as Sjoberg notes, Koch was one of only a handful of women remembered for her role – portrayed as a devil, a sensationalised abomination but also as an affront to womankind; her existence rendered “impossible” by the gendered prism through which we view sexual crime.

...the gendered prism through which we view sexual crime.

Associate professor of political science at the University of Florida, Sjoberg has written several books about political violence and women. She told me that it was seeing pictures of Lynndie England – the young female US reservist who was photographed holding a leash attached to the body of a naked Iraqi prisoner in Abu Ghraib – that prompted her journey towards writing Women as Wartime Rapists.

England was court-martialled and jailed in 2005 for her role in sexually abusing the prisoners. Sjoberg said she “was on the front page of the Los Angeles Times in 2003 and I sat staring at the page for 20 minutes, because it didn’t make sense to me. And then I stared at it for another three hours because I couldn’t figure out why it didn’t made sense to me. And I think I have spent the last decade making sense of it”.

Her book presents evidence of women’s culpability in sexual violence from the Armenian genocide to the seemingly unending though consistently under-reported conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, where one 2010 survey of more than 1,000 households found that 40% of women — and 10% of men — who said they were subjected to sexual violence were assaulted by a woman.

Sjoberg also dissects the various roles women are ‘given’ in patriarchal narratives of war: as peaceful vessels and innocent civilians in need of protection; as the reason to go to war in the first place (to fight for their virtue or their innocence); or as “available to soldiers”. Sjoberg says the latter of these can consist of providing food, entertainment, shelter — or being sexually “available” as “prostitutes, bush wives or rape victims”.

"if female perpetrators of sexual violence are invisible, then so are their victims"

Sjoberg takes as a case study the Armenian genocide which she says is often described as carried out by men, against men and women. She digs up studies that complicate this and reveal the role of “women perpetrators of genocide generally and of genocidal sexual violence”. She presents testimonies from living survivors who tell how women were involved in beating, killing, sexually violating and selling other women and girls into sexual slavery. When the genocide ended, a practice continued of selling girls who had been orphaned as 'brides'. Women tied up and tattooed other, enslaved, women and girls.

In Nazi Germany, Sjoberg also looks at the role of tens of thousands of nurses who participated in the forcible sterilisation of about half a million people. She acknowledges that this is “different from rape,” but includes it as a large-scale example to further emphasise her point: if female perpetrators of sexual violence are invisible, then so are their victims. “It’s a lot harder to identify women perpetrators”, Sjoberg tells me. “Even from feminist readings of sexual violence in conflict there is this feeling that wartime sexual violence, and sexual violence generally, is really the lynchpin of women’s oppression. It’s kind of one of the last stones unturned”.

"It’s kind of one of the last stones unturned”

Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, former Rwandan minister of family and women’s affairs, was the first woman to be charged with genocidal rape at an international criminal court. In 2011 she was jailed for life for her role in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda that killed an estimated 800,000 people. Testimony against her described her openly ordering subordinates, including her son, to “get rid of all the Tutsis”, as well as directly commanding troops to commit rape and establish a system of sexual slavery.

“While most women perpetrators remain excluded from both official and unofficial narratives of the conflicts in which they commit sexual violence, Nyiramasuhuko received a disproportionate amount of attention,” Sjoberg writes in her book. “This attention has combined gendered and racialised exoticism and framed Nyiramasuhuko as “other” to femininity and civilisation”. This allows a double move of distancing her from the “ideal-typical” woman, incapable of the violence she committed, and (similar to how Koch was presented) inviting ugly discussions of supposed flaws in femininity that make the sort of atrocities she committed possible.

The media’s reporting of Nyiramasuhuko’s case was distinctly gendered — as were witnesses’ testimonies at her trial. Sjoberg notes that Nyiramasuhuko was alleged to have said, as a reason to kill Tutsi women, that they were “stealing our [Hutu] husbands”. Sjoberg insists we must see women who commit acts of sexual violence in conflict in a more nuanced and less sensationalised way — and that part of this is rejecting patriarchal views of women as vessels of peace and purity.

“We can all be complicit actually. Sex oppression can be perpetrated by anyone, including women."

The media’s representations of female victims of ISIS sex crimes provide a contemporary example of what Sjoberg is concerned about. Press coverage "has been very narrowly focused on the victimisation, with gratuitous focus on details of the sexual violence they suffered," says Sherizaan Minwalla, a human rights lawyer at the American University’s Washington College of Law and an activist with the Iraq Gender Justice group which has criticised how mainly Yazidi women survivors are routinely presented as ruined and devastated victims.

“This has been to the detriment of the survivors who also have stories to tell about how they showed courage and strength in the face of ISIS militants and when they escaped, and still in displacement", Minwalla told me. The courage of these women and girls has been publicly drowned out amid the cacophony of grisly descriptions of horrors endured — meanwhile the role that ISIS women played their trafficking, enforced captivity and torture has also been largely ignored.

Whilst recording the testimonies of more than a dozen Yazidi former ISIS captives, elements of my own reporting were complicit in this. I did not ask about the role of ISIS women in violence — though I did ask if any women of the families that held captives had helped them to escape. The answer was always the same; no, none of the women helped. Sometimes the women treated them worse than their male captors, they said, describing jealous rage or frightening outbursts if unending domestic chores were incomplete.

“Why do we believe that women will always been on the side of other women?”, Sjoberg asks. “Because this is hard stuff. Really hard”. She warns: “We can all be complicit actually. Sex oppression can be perpetrated by anyone, including women...Women are just people too, and people do bad things.”

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          Commentaires sur Comprenez les icônes de votre Samsung Galaxy S3 par Bosnian/American Band AXA / INGRAY - Live In Concerts   
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          La broma pesada de Krezic a sus empleados   

Igor Krezic, además de ser un jefe genial, es un amante de las bromas. El fundador de la empresa bosnia NSoft se divierte gastando bromas a sus empleados de vez en cuando. Pero no todas hacen gracia, algunas son lo que podemos considerar bromas pesadas, ¡y en este caso incluso mortales! Esta vez, el jefe de

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          Featured Shop: Mighty Paper   

Etsy.com handmade and vintage goods

Photo by Mighty Paper

To hear Timea, the Berlin-based owner of stationery and supplies shop Mighty Paper, talk about her favorite eraser, you’d think she was rhapsodizing about a glittering 20-carat diamond ring or a postcard-ready view of the South Pacific. Her voice catches a little, you can sense her eyes drifting off dreamily into the middle distance, and her proclamations of perfection taper off in a contented sigh. This enthusiasm is incomprehensible to anyone who is not equally obsessed with well-designed office supplies and paper goods, and immediately recognizable to anyone who is.

A former managing assistant of an NGO and a full-time Etsy seller for the last four years (her first shop, Mighty Vintage, carries colorful midcentury home decor and furnishings), Timea tapped into her entrepreneurial side on a whim. “I started my first Etsy shop because I wanted to have something on my own, although I didn’t know what, exactly,” Timea says. “I liked that it was easy to open a shop as an experiment, without needing to invest too much money or time.” That small initial investment paid off fast: Within a year and a half, she had quit her day job to run her shop, while also discovering the creative outlet she’d looked for in a few other places (design school, for one), but never quite found.

Today, Timea indulges her lifelong affinity for paper goods and supplies while maintaining Mighty Vintage and even dabbling in a vintage jewelry shop on the side. (“As you see, I have this thing about opening shops,” Timea says.) For now, it’s Mighty Paper that has a hold on her heart. “I never thought two years ago that I would have a stationery business,” says Timea, “but now I have it, and it’s what I love the most.”

Read on to learn how Timea turned an experiment into an empire in the making, and shop the Mighty Paper collection

You’ve had a lot of success with the first shop you started on Etsy, Mighty Vintage. What inspired you to branch out into the stationery world?

My boyfriend and I travel a lot, and there are two things we always do everywhere we go: visit flea markets and go to stationery stores. Both of us grew up in Eastern Europe, where you had really great, simple, yet high-quality stationery in school. Most of those old brands are gone now, but we still craved those kinds of materials and couldn’t find them anywhere in Germany. Every time we traveled abroad, we were always hoping to find something from the old times, or at least something that was similar.

Two years ago we took a three-week trip all across the Balkans, through Hungary, Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia, and Croatia, and we picked up so many great things in the stationery stores there—much more than we needed for ourselves. When we came back, the idea for Mighty Paper started to grow in my head. It took a while to realize, okay, maybe we could try this; my first Etsy shop had been an experiment, and I began to see that this could be one too.

The idea of opening a stationery shop was appealing for a few other reasons as well. A stationery or supplies store is not as dependent on me and my taste as a vintage store is, and it doesn’t require me to take a picture each and every time I find something for my shop. Also, with my first shop, I was living and breathing and eating vintage for years, and I wanted a new creative outlet that was completely different from what I had done before.

What was it that appealed to you so much about stationery, and how do you decide whether a particular product is right for your shop?

First of all, I love stationery because you can touch it. Everything these days is very digital, it’s either on your laptop or on your smartphone, and every time you shut down that device, it’s gone; you don’t have anything left in your hand. When you sit at your desk all day, you deserve to have something that’s beautiful and of high quality. That’s why I write with ink as much as I can—it relaxes me. And when I look for pieces for the shop, I always go back to that feeling: the desire to have something high quality that brings joy to your everyday life. It’s about the small things, the details; you don’t have to have the big-bang stuff to have a good life, if you have small pieces that bring you joy.

Style-wise, I love everything that is a bit retro and nostalgic. For example, I love the brand Koh-I-Noor, and we have many pieces from them in the shop. It’s a Czech stationery brand that used to be around when I was a kid in Eastern Europe, and I was so delighted when I found out they were still making most of the designs from 40 years ago. I also love fun and colorful pieces that are a bit vintage-inspired, and tend to look for the same qualities for Mighty Paper items as for the vintage shop: a bit of humor, a bit of whimsy, things that don’t take themselves too seriously. But of course we like new trends as well, and if there is a new trend that’s breaking through somewhere, then we’ll go on a hunt to find those items too.

How do you go about sourcing the items for Mighty Paper?

Well, it’s a mix. I go to all kinds of stores, because you never know where an interesting design might end up. I also go to wholesalers, of course, but because I really need to see the pieces myself, to see how they’re made, how they feel, and how they look with my own eyes, I only buy things online after I’ve seen them in person. I also love to check out small manufacturers and will often drive out to visit their factories. What I love most, though, is going to trade fairs where you can see as many brands as possible within a couple of days, touch the items, speak with the makers, and discover smaller manufacturers that you hadn’t seen before.

Which items from your shop are your personal favorites?

I love my Pelikan fountain pens and the inks; I use them every day—at home, in the office, and on the go. And also my sharpeners from Mobius & Ruppert—nobody makes better sharpeners than those. They have a new sharpener now called the Pollux that creates a concave tip, and I cannot tell you how much joy it brings me. You have to check it out—you can see videos of how it works on YouTube. I can’t wait until my pencil is a bit worn off so I can sharpen it again. Oh, and erasers: I don’t know what it is with erasers, but they just attract me everywhere I go. I love the pebble erasers from Koh-I-Noor. They’re perfect.

You’ve mentioned in your shop descriptions that, “having a business is by far the most creative journey of all.” I’d love to hear more about that.

When I was in school, everyone would say, “You should be an artist because you’re so creative,” or, “You should be a designer.” And I did start on that path—I went to design school, but it just didn’t work out for some reason. I was frustrated because I thought, “Man, I’m supposed to be a creative, designer/artist person and now I’m not.” So I studied English and French and became a translator and an interpreter, and I loved it, but I always had this creative side of me that I wasn’t really using in my life.

Then, when I started my Etsy shop, I realized that being creative doesn’t necessarily mean that you have to design something, or be an artist and paint all day. For me, being an entrepreneur is the most creative thing I can imagine: You can focus on any side of your business that you love and that you do best; you can change your schedule on a daily basis; you can change the products you sell or the services you offer at any time; or you can just plunge into the next adventure. That’s what I really love about it, that it’s absolutely creative.

What aspects of running your Etsy shop make you feel most stimulated, inspired, and engaged?

The hunt, of course, is really engaging, and so is the contact you have with buyers and with other sellers. Here in Berlin we have a really great community of Etsy sellers and I don’t think I would be where I am without that community. But my favorite part about all of it is just the developing of a business—opening a shop and developing a brand, inventing the look and the language of a shop. It’s very stimulating and fulfilling for me.

What’s your process like for developing an aesthetic or a brand for a shop? Did you start Mighty Paper already knowing how you wanted it to look or did that come together over time?

Well, I have been doing Mighty Vintage for five years, and that was a more gradual process; I had to grow into the aesthetic that I have now. But after selling online for a while, you start to have a very clear idea of what you want, and for Mighty Paper I knew I wanted to have something light, something airy, something colorful and fun. Buying vintage pieces is often a hard decision, and for stationery I wanted the opposite; I wanted to give the buyer the feeling of, “Oh, I like this, I’m just going to buy it.” I love putting the items in a new perspective, playing with them, and taking them out of context to create curiosity in the buyer. That’s what it’s all about, I think.

What are your go-to sources of inspiration in your work, or your life in general?

The biggest one is traveling—every time I travel it’s like somebody has opened up a tap and everything just flows and I’m taking it all in. I love that. I’m also inspired by other people: creative friends and other Etsy sellers. How they see the world, what their aesthetic is, what colors they like, the ideals they have for their business or their products—all of those things inspire me and give me ideas about my own business. Lately I have gotten into reading a lot about other female entrepreneurs.

Which female entrepreneurs do you admire most?

Um, Beyoncé? But besides that, there are a lot of bloggers I admire: I love Grace Bonney, the editor of Design Sponge; I love Emily Henderson, and the way she uses a lot of vintage items and whimsical things; and I love Joy Cho’s blog and her colorful, playful aesthetic.

What’s next for Mighty Paper?

Well for me, Mighty Paper is still quite young. I would love to add more items to the range, but I’m very careful about picking the products, so it takes a while. I would also like to add more manufacturers, and I’ve recently started to think about designing a few exclusive Mighty Paper pieces myself, but that’s still in a very early development stage. I’m very curious to see where this journey will take me in the next five or 10 years.

Follow Mighty Paper on Instagram.

Photographs courtesy of Mighty Paper 

Shop Mighty Paper

 

Valerie Rains is a senior editor at Etsy.

The post Featured Shop: Mighty Paper appeared first on Etsy Journal.


          Comment on DAN GILBERT INTERVIEW by Bosnian/American Band AXA / INGRAY - Live In Concerts   
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          For sale - Set of 6 Plastic Red Iridescent w/Undertones of... - Auction   

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          Pavarotti & friends 3 bosnia   
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          2017 Trafficking in Persons Report - Bosnia and Herzegovina   
Publisher: United States Department of State - Document type: Annual Reports
          For sale - 2 X Neon Green Bike Foot Pedals Freestyle Vintage... - $43   
Abbey 6280, Australia
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          BH Telecom announces lower roaming fees   
(Telecompaper) Bosnian operator BH Telecom announced the prices for roaming services in Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia, following the latest cut in regulated price caps from 01 July...